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Call#: Van Pelt Library HV6453.I83 M32323 1992
Gisele Podbielski's Italy: Development and Crisis in the Post-War Economy provides a detailed account of the ruins that befell Italy and the policies that contributed to reform. Immediately following WWII, Italy was riddled with economic and political problems. Inflation, high levels of unemployment, dependence on foreign trade and investment, and regional divisions between the North and South were crippling the nation. These short-term "emergency" conditions needed to be alleviated and a long-term plan needed to be instilled, however, the nation was divided politically between the liberal party and their opposing "right-winged" factions. This rift in ideas contributed to a quickened reconstructive period, but not without contributing to inefficient policies and abusive power, especially on behalf of the winning liberal party. According to Podbielski, the failure of the authorities to "provide a sounder basis for a successful operation of both the public and private sectors…has deepened a long standing mistrust of the government…[and] outbursts of social unrest…" (3).
Italy’s post-war situation is crucial to understanding how the Italian neorealist movement first started. Although Divorzio all’Italiana was filmed during the shift away from neorealism, one can still find a neorealist heritage in the movie. Since the war devastated the government’s Cinecittà studios, filmmakers had to film their movies on location, as is observed in Divorzio all'Italiana. Germi greatly captures distinctly Sicilian elements in order to involve the audience in the truly traditional Sicilian society he aims to criticize. Furthermore, the “quick fix” provided by the liberal party to remedy the dire economic conditions was greatly felt in the South. Being a mostly agricultural area, the South benefited little from the reconstruction period, as can be seen by the large division between the lavish elite and the poor proletariat in Agramonte. Neorealism was the first time in twenty years in which filmmakers could really express Italy’s post-war reality. Having the freedom to deal with any topic of choice paved way for filmmakers to provide social commentaries of the Italian society by the 1960s.
Call#: Van Pelt Library PN1993.5.I88 B58 2001
Montel, Alberto. “Italy: Recognition of Foreign Annulment and Divorce Decrees.” The American Journal of Comparative Law, Vol. 4, No. 3, (1955), pp. 439-443. 1 April 2008.
Alberto Montel’s article, “Italy: Recognition of Foreign Annulment and Divorce Decrees,” provides background information on the progress of divorce laws and the different types of marriage in Italy. There are two ways in which a marriage was recognized in Italy as of the 1950s. One method was the “civil” marriage, which was solely a legal affair. The jurisdiction concerning the validity of this type of marriage lay within the ordinary civil courts. The other method of recognizing marriage was the “concordat” marriage, which was “performed by a Catholic priest in accordance to canonical law” (440). According to a 1929 law, only the Catholic Church had authority to grant annulments when the marriage was of the “concordat” type. Although in the 1950s “divorce [was] not admitted by the Italian law, Italy [was] under international obligation to execute foreign divorce decrees dissolving marriages contracted by spouses belonging to a country where divorce [was] lawfully accepted” (440). Montel states that because of this “concession,” couples who were dissatisfied with their marriages abused the passive and relaxed sentiments of the court and pursued divorce decrees abroad (441).
“Italy: Recognition of Foreign Annulment and Divorce Decrees” is useful in contributing a detailed account about the different types of marriage, as well as restrictions and concessions to getting a divorce as of 1950 for the audience of Divorzio all’Italiana. From reading this article, the difficulty of obtaining an annulment becomes quite obvious: an unhappy couple either needs the civil courts to proclaim their marriage “invalid,” or for the Vatican to grant them an annulment. The latter situation is quite unlikely as up to the 1970s, the Vatican was strongly against divorce. Fefe Cefalu is therefore left with few options end his marriage with Rosalia and in order to marry Angela. In Divorzio all’Italiana, although the priest played a minor role in the movie, he was able to convey the struggle amongst the people, who were in favor of divorce. The fact that couples were already seeking divorce decrees abroad by the 1950s shows how their were Italian people in favor of having divorce laws. Furthermore, the fact that Italy was recognizing foreign divorce decrees was a sign that the institution of marriage was soon to be weakened by the possibility of divorce and annulments.
Rheinstein, Max. Marriage stability, divorce, and the law. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972.
In Marriage stability, divorce, and the law, Max Rheinstein discusses the status of divorce laws in different countries such as Italy, Japan, the Soviet Union, France, Sweden, and the United States. Regarding Italy, a law allowing the institution of divorce was not passed until December 1, 1970. This law was likely passed due to influence of the League for the Institution of Divorce, one of the first middle-class pressure groups of this type in Italy. There were no official divorces until this law was passed; however, 1950s estimates reveal the number of permanent separations and abandonments to be 600,000. During this time, more than one million “irregular unions” in which either one or both parties were married to people other than their sexual partners existed. According to Rheinstein, “the battle about divorce […] is part of the battle over restructuring Italian society. […] By its intervention, the Vatican has turned divorce into a symbol. If the defense is lost, the church’s traditional power position will be shaken” (192).
Rheinstein’s book is extremely significant in order to understand the situation that Fefe Cefalu was going through, and moreover, the divorce situation in Italy at the time. The movie Divorzio all’Italiana was filmed in 1961, nine years before the institution of divorce was allowed to exist, yet eleven years after the reporting of “irregular marriages.” This means that at that time, the thought of divorce was definitely present, yet suppressed; especially in Sicily, which is known to be a very religious and traditional part of Italy. Furthermore, throughout the mid to late 1960s, there were a series of protests in favor of instituting divorce laws. Films that criticized Italy’s lack of divorce law, such as Divorzio all’Italiana, likely inspired people to protest since the movie reflected the social discontentment at the time. Finally, since the battle for divorce became strongly associated with the Vatican, movies like Divorzio all’Italiana, in which the Italy’s lack of divorce is ridiculed, is in essence undermining the Vatican’s authority in a time in which it is still very powerful.
Schneider, Peter. “Honor and Conflict in a Sicilian Town.” Anthropological Quarterly, Vol. 42, No. 3, (Jul 1969), pp. 130-154. JSTOR 4 April 2008.
In “Honor and Conflict in a Sicilian Town,” Peter Schneider explains how interpersonal conflict is endemic in Sicily and usually involves close friends and kin. Sicily has a strong “ideology of honor,” which can result in interpersonal conflicts with the objective of protecting one’s personal, familial, or collective honor. Sicilians are known to be dependent on a network of friends for capital, loyalty, and information (140). Because of this, they are very sensitive to social etiquette (i.e. caring when someone has suffered a loss or received a gain, or by providing unsolicited hospitality). Schneider states that to be respected, one must sa fare, which literally means to “know how to do”. This implies the “ability to combine people into coalitions for the achievement of particular ends or for the expansion or defense of one’s interests” (147). Sa fare usually reflects norms of the head of the household – “a father's capacity to protect his family from the incursions of others is equally important to the increment of respect which is bestowed upon him” (148). This is especially true when it comes to his women (wife and daughters) who in some ways “constitute a part of his patrimony; they are resources which, like land and houses, are subject to overlapping claims. All the more so because women are thought to be emotionally ready and willing for adulterous or illicit sexual relations, or at least unable to protect themselves from the demands of men” (148). According to Schneider, “the crime of honor can be understood, if not justified in this context, for the seduction or rape of a man's woman is the ultimate denial of respect, and the cuckold is not just a man without honor but dishonored and no longer a man” (148). It is the head of the house’s responsibility to ensure that his family respects him and themselves, otherwise the whole family will suffer shame.
In Divorzio all’Italiana, Germi makes extensive use of the concepts of honor, family, and the ability to navigate amongst obstacles, which closely relate to the Sicilian code of honor explained above. Along with his on location filming in Sicily, Germi’s use of music, and the strong presence of authority and mafia all lend to the fact that his movie is a commentary on traditional Sicily. Fefe Cefalu takes advantage of the Sicilian law’s leniency on crimes of honor to get what he wants. If Rosalia commits adultery, his reputation and that of his family will be blemished forever. For this reason, when Rosalia elopes with her lover Carmelo, the townspeople all insinuate that he should take action. People send him mail calling him a cuckold, Don Ciccilo Matara, the Agramonte’s mafia boss, even takes initiative in locating the couple. Carmelo’s wife publicly demands Fefe to take in action Agramonte’s town square. In addition to blemishing his personal honor, he disgraces his family: his sister’s fiancé cancels their wedding due to the Cefalu’s new status of dishonor. By understanding the importance of honor in a traditional Sicilian society, and furthermore its effects on interpersonal conflicts (in this case, premeditated murder), Divorzio all’Italiana’s audience can more clearly comprehend why Fefe fathomed to use the “crime of honor” in the first place in order to get his “Italian divorce.”
Bachmann, Gideon. “Marcello Mastroianni and The Game of Truth.” Film Quarterly, Vol. 46, No. 2, (1992-1993), pp. 2-7. JSTOR 4 April 2008.
In “Marcello Mastroianni and The Game of Truth,” Gideon Bachmann offers the audience a very personal account of a talk he had with renowned Italian actor Marcello Mastroianni. This account, written in first-person following Bachmann’s introduction, describes Mastroianni’s views on his acting career, the film industry, and life in general. Mastroianni confesses that he is 65 and is “sometimes astonished that [he’s] still here making films at [his] age, as if [he] was at the beginning of his career” (3). Mastroianni also tells Bachman that it is important to know “what season of your life you are living, and not to try to be something on the screen which is ridiculous" (3). This is reminiscent of the post-neorealism era – movies should reflect the reality of the times, the struggles on people’s minds, and once the public’s interest changes, it is alright to recognize that fact and revive, re-examine and re-appraise (reference to De Grazia’s article, pg. 52). Mastroianni says it is imperative to play characters that suit you; he argues he could never have played a John Wayne or a Clark Gable. Even though producers would have preferred that he kept playing the same type of character, he enjoys the diverse characters he got to play, and believes so did the public. He comments on how he aims to be loved by the public, “and of course it’s an economic necessity” (4). Finally, he notes how he likes showing that “in simplicity and humanity [of his characters] there are answers which are useful for people seeing the film” (5).
Bachmann’s interview with Marcello Mastroianni shows how the “star system” makes the actor become a trademark, and movies are produced one after the other relying on this trademark to succeed, especially with regards to generating money. This becomes important in the 1960s with the creation of new genres as well as the adaptation of international types of film, which is when Divorzio all’Italiana was filmed. Mastroianni played the main character, Fefe Cefalu, a decadent and conniving Sicilian nobleman. The Italian actor mentioned that it is important to “not try to be something on the screen that is ridiculous” (3). One could argue that Fefe Cefalu is as ridiculous as it gets with his absurd plot for an “Italian divorce;” however, if you take into account the spirit of social protests of time in addition to the type of genre (commedia all’italiana), his character is consistent with that “season of his life” (3). Mastroianni’s performance was significant in Divorzio all’Italiana because he set the pattern for the comic portrayal of the Sicilian male that was to be repeated over and over in later films. Finally, one can perceive how Mastroianni still believes that one must connect with the audience watching the movie and try to provide them with something useful, which is an aspect that Italian cinema since its neorealist era has attempted to achieve.
De Grazia, Victoria. “Mass Culture and Sovereignty: The American Challenge to European Cinemas, 1920-1960.” The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 61, No. 1, (Mar, 1989), pp. 53-87. JSTOR, 2 April 2008.
In “Mass Culture and Sovereignty: The American Challenge to European Cinemas,” De Grazia recounts the relationship between the American and European film industries between the 1920s and 1960s, focusing on how the mass culture created by the expansion of the American film industry challenged the European notion of the scale and character of sovereignty. De Grazia believes that American cinema “not only set the pace of set the pace of innovation and promote new professional identities – it also fostered new consumer solidarities and reshaped cultural genres” (56). Italian cinema went from being the leader in pre-World War I Europe, to suffering protectionist measures and censorship during the post-war and Mussolini years, to flourishing once again once Italy recovered economically from the World War II damages. The abolition of the ENIC monopoly and the annulment of the Alfieri Law in October of 1945 made Italy an open market for film, and Italy’s “Golden Age” in the 1960s coincided with a slump in the American cinema. According to De Grazia, Italian cinema succeeded for a couple of reasons. Firstly, “it seems that reproducing the American model, albeit with some significant stylistic innovations and building on a strong craft legacy had become the key to picking up the slack in the U.S. industry” (83). Italy incorporated American cinematic innovations and rapidly adapted to the stylistic shifts both internationally and in the home market. Secondly, De Grazia identifies Italy’s well developed movie industry organization, mainly in the relationship between ANICA and the MPPA, as another reason for success. The partnership between the two countries “kept Italian entrepreneurs abreast of Hollywood production styles and business methods and helped attract American investment” (84). Coupled with co-production arrangements, this lead to the creation of new genres in Italy. Finally, the big and well-articulated home market for film was another condition for success. The Italian market attracted a public that was “both massive and specialized – broad enough to absorb prodigious quantities of Hollywood B films and their local imitation, yet deep enough to sustain quality production as well” (84).
This article is important for understanding the relationship between Italian cinema and its main competitor, the United States. De Grazia argues that instead of posing a challenge to European sovereignty, American cinema was crucial for the growth and success of the Italian film industry because it lent it technical and stylistic innovation and pushed it to produce films that appealed more to the public. Divorzio all’Italiana is an example of such a movie. Produced in 1961, it reflected the needs and desires of the Italian public of the 1960s in a funny and entertaining manner. Futhermore, the slump of the American film industry in the 1960s was what gave Italian directors space to produce films for export, dealing with topics never dealt before and thus creating new genres. Divorzio all’Italiana is a very Italian movie as it deals with traditional Sicilian life and values; however it can be appreciated by people of all cultures. This is confirmed by the fact that the movie won the Oscar for best original screenplay in 1963.
Pacifici, Sergio J. “Notes Toward a Definition of Neorealism.” Yale French Studies, No. 17, (1956), pp. 44-53. JSTOR, 1 April 2008.
Sergio Pacifi’s article effectively evaluates the imprint neorealism has left on Italian culture. Pacifi first discusses the main trends of Italian cinema since its inception, denoting two main traditions that held Italy back from creating a truly Italian cinema preceding neorealism. Firstly, he states “the Italian has learned to accept things as they are in a rather stoical manner, seldom wanting to analyze the foundation of moral and social life in his country and even more seldom wanting to question it” (45). The second tradition is literary, Pacifi believes Italians have “always looked with much repugnance upon any attempt to make life an integral part of literature” (45). He identifies neorealism as the product “of an intolerable way of life for twenty long, ‘black,’ years” (50). Instead of looking back at the glorious past for inspiration as had been the tradition earlier, Italy was being “re-explored and re-analyzed with an objectivity and lyricism that had been made possible only by the war and the suffering Italians had endured” (50). Depicting the real Italian and the reality of life was the main goal. Pacifi concludes that to understand neorealism, it does not suffice to pinpoint major characteristics that movies of post-war Italy share in common. It is to understand the new precedent that it has set for Italian society, and how it forced intellectuals to consistently re-examine previously set parameters and realize that what is good today may not necessarily do tomorrow.
Understanding the legacy of neorealism is important when analyzing Divorzio all’Italiana. Germi’s movie came out in 1961, when Italian filmmakers started moving away from neorealism. Although neorealist elements are found in Divorzio all’Italiana, such as on location filming, exploring mundane events, post-dubbing, reliance on music, and an unsolved ending, Germi’s movie is know to have established a completely new genre as a result: commedia all’italiana. Even though Italy had been known for neorealist films, Germi was able to break away with this past and explore a new type of cinema. Especially at a time when social protests were common, Divorzio all’Italiana represents a social commentary of divorce in Italy, as well as being funny and entertaining. Futhermore, as Pacifi notes, because of neorealism, the paradigm of only exploring Italy’s glorious past was broken, and filmmakers realized that it is alright to explore other genres and topics which are in the public’s mind at the time.
Call#: Van Pelt Library DG467 .D84 1994
Call#: Van Pelt Library cat on bib 4043492
Duggan, Christopher. A Concise History of Italy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.
The Republic, a chapter in A Concise History of Italy, serves to understand the time period in which Divorzio all’Italiana was filmed. In the 1960s, Italy was caught between an economic miracle and the rise of social protests. However, this miracle was not achieved without severe costs – the South was “left almost untouched,” and the gap between the two halves of the peninsula widened (264). Duggan states that part of the problem for why the South benefited so little from the attempts at industrialization was due to the “corrupt character of much of the Southern society” (269). Economic modernization is many times accompanied with social unrest. The Church helped the government by denouncing modern culture, and waging a propaganda war against the left. The Church’s influence in politics was soon to end. John XXIII’s death in 1963 “marked the start of a profound reappraisal of the Church’s character and role in society […] and the Vatican looked to distance itself from party politics”(266). Finally, revolts in the late 1960s “were the judgment of a generation on the Republic and specifically on the failure of politicians to meet the needs and expectations of a society that had undergone such rapid changes in the preceding decade” (269). According to Duggan, these represented a critique of the whole of Italian society and its values.
Understanding Italy in the 1960s is crucial for understanding the backdrop of in which Pietro Germi’s Divorzio all’Italiana was filmed. Characteristics of the poor, agricultural and corrupt South are observed in the movie. The Cefalu family is a rich, traditional Sicilian family, and when the main character, Baron Fefè Cefalu, first introduces himself, he makes the distinction between his family’s social class and the proletariat quite obvious. Fefè also points out who is who in Agramonte: he alludes to the fact that his father was corrupt and squandered money, and he introduces Don Ciccilo Matara, the head of the mafia, as well as the priest and some members of the Gentleman’s club. Furthermore, the audience notices at once how the Sicilian society circles around the church. Throughout the movies, we listen to snippets of sermons in which not only are the leftist parties denounced, but Fellini's La Dolce Vita is criticized as well. Lastly, Germi was among the first directors to voice the desires and struggles of the public through film. By making a comedy centered on the fact that divorce is not yet allowed in Italy, Germi truly offered a critique of traditional Italian society in Divorzio all’Italiana.