OpenNet Initiative. Internet Filtering in Iran in 2004-2005: A Country Study. 9 Apr. 2009.

This repotr by the OpenNet Initiative is a thorough analysis of the internet filtering technology used in Iran. The study begins with a detailed description of the regulation and censorship restrictions in place both in print media and online. Then, the ONI attempts to study the Iranian filtering system. Through accessing remote computers behind Iran's firewalls, the ONI tested a list of websites to see whether they would be accessible or not. They try this technique on multiple computers and do it several different times in order to get an understanding of how consistently a certain website is blocked. Through analyzing the content of HTTP headers and web site loading time, researchers separated sites into four categories: unfiltered, possibly filtered through redirection, possibly filtered with a possible network connection error, and definitively filtered. In Iran, researchers concentrated on two ISPs: the private ParsOnline and the state-owned TCI. Results showed that only one-third of websites tested were blocked. Sites with pornographic material or that provided access to circumvention tools was filtered more successfully. Over the testing period of a year, filtering increased, particularly the filtering of blogs.

This study is perhaps the only empirical study that tests the regulation mechanism in Iran. By providing details of the filtering software and giving empirical data, readers get a clearer picture of the breadth of content that the Iranian government seeks to block. The filtering in Iran appears to be at a sophisticated level, moving beyond pornographic content that violates Islamic law and focusing on more personal forms of expression, such as blogs. One interesting result, however, is that non-Iran specific sites or non-Farsi content is harder for the filtering software to block. Still, the software in place results in an "overbreadth" of sites being blocked, censoring more forms of expression than needed/

Reporters Without Borders. Reporters sans frontières - Internet - Iran. 2004. 8 Apr. 2009.

This report by Reporters Without Borders (Reporters sans frontieres, or RSF) is part of a series of studies that examines obstacles to the flow of information over the internet. RSF's main concern with blogs is that they provide a more-objective source of news than the traditional Iranian media and that they allow for the organization of anti-government protests and demonstration. The RSF report also details the history of Internet regulation in the country, naming the bureaus responsible for controlling access and content on the internet. RSF reports cases of both reformists and conservative hard-liners using government in order to control the Internet. It then details the stories of three cyber-dissidents who have suffered harrassment at the hands of Iranian government officials.

The RSF report provides great background on internet regulation. While efforts at regulation were intensified after the report was published, RSF's concerns remain valid and many of the government policies remain the same. The report also situates the Iranian case in a larger context of internet censorship, which helps by providing opportunities for comparison and contrast. Furthermore, the report demonstrates that both factions of the Iranian government are taking steps to control the spread of information free from government control, perhaps presenting an argument to the idea that this new technology will inherently lead to democratization.

Tehrani, Hamid. "Iran's Revolutionary Guards Take on the Internet." Weblog post. Internet & Democracy Blog. 8 Jan. 2009. Berkman Center for Internet & Society at Harvard University. 7 Apr. 2009 .

Tehrani's post addresses an announcement made at the end of 2008 by a branch of the Iranian army that it plans to launch 10,000 blogs for military forces. The ideologically-motivated group sees blogs as a threat to the Islamic Republic and are concerned that it might lead to a non-violent revolution. Tehrani claims that a chief cause of the Revolutionary Guards' action is fears over the state's lack of control over the internet; the Iranian government controls all other media. In 2008, detailed information about corruption was posted and spread on blogs. As Iranian citizens spread the word, public outcry grew, causing many high-ranked officials to resign. Tehrani notes that this government accountability is much more prevalent now that Iranian citizens themselves have the ability to publish information. He remains skeptical about the Revolutionary Guards' efforts, stating that Iranian conservative media has never been able to attract readers--despite the lack of competition from other sources.

Tehrani's post mentions an intriguing policy decision that demonstrates changing attitudes in Iranian government. This "if you can't beat them, join them" belief is a shift from a policy of attempted censorship and filtering that has been largely ineffective. The post is also one of the few sources that mentions the existence of conservative blogs. Interestingly, mullahs and conservative politicians have also been turning to blogs to express their views, and many are well-read. Tehrani's critique of the government policy, however, is that these blogs will essentially be "mass-produced". The government is likely to keep a strict eye on them in order to ensure they reflect official policies. This regulation is counterintuitive to the spontaneous, often-opinionated dialogue that makes blogs so popular in Iran, which is likely to render them ineffective as propaganda tools.

Alavi, Nasrin. We Are Iran. Brooklyn: Soft Skull, 2005.

Alavi's book is an examination of Iranian political and social history that integrates excerpts from blogs into the historical narrative. The book begins by discussing the particular role of bloggers in society. Alavi examines the rise of blogs and the subsequent government censorship. Alavi then explains the role of history in promoting Iran's blog culture. She points to the closing of reformist newspapers and state control of the media. She also mentions the demographic shift taking place in Iran that has resulted in a large population under 30 who is eager for change. Alavi's entire book points to a conflict between globalization and tradition; she sees a Western cultural onslaught brought by the technological revolution (which introduced satellite dishes and PCs to Iran) in opposition to the Islamic revolutionary values promoted by the state. Throughout the chapters of her book, in which Alavi explores the perspectives of Iranian youth, Alavi is constantly discussing events in terms of their effects on blogging culture in Iran. She then connects bloggers' reactions and comments to actions taken by the state.

By connecting the nation's history with reactions or reflections from its people, Alavi demonstrates the power of Iranian blogs to critique the dominant social culture. Furthermore, Alavi's choice to integrate excerpts shows the use of blogs as a self-expression tool. Alavi also frequently demonstrates the link between blog posts and social movements, a connection similar to that of Chinese internet users. Alavi's selection of excerpts also demonstrates the wide variety of topics approached by Iranian bloggers and the styles they use to portray their situations.

Van Buren, Chris. "Morozov: The Internet No Democratic Cure." Weblog post. Internet & Democracy Blog. 3 Apr. 2009. Berkman Center for Internet & Society at Harvard University. 7 Apr. 2009 .

In a post on The Berkman Center's Internet & Democracy Blog, Van Buren responds to Evgeny Morozov's piece in the Boston Review on cyber-utopianism. He agrees with Morozov's assessment that intellectuals tend to overestimate the Internet's power to democratize, pointing to the fact that access to the Internet has not removed human rights abusers from power. Van Buren is concerned that online dissidence has led to a wave of heavier repression and authoritarianism that opposes the democratization many intellectuals seek to promote. Yet while believing that intellectuals' idea of technological determinism is naive, he also sees a possiblity for the web’s influence on democratic reform to exist, but in a subtle and slow manner. In order to defend this point, Van Buren examines the Iranian case. The sheer number and variety of Iranian blogs mean that total censorship is impossible, and this promotes the free speech necessary for democratic change. By doing so, Van Buren argues, freer speech becomes more of a norm, and this slowly will defeat censorship. Van Buren also notes that the blogosphere gives a voice to moderates who would otherwise be excluded from the traditional media's emphasis on polarized viewpoints.

Van Buren examines the implicit effects of the existence of so many Iranian blogs. While there is a dispute as to whether or not all Iranian bloggers seek to effect political change, the fact remains that the forum to discuss virtually anything remains open and free to access. Van Buren is suggesting that a social norm will be transferred from the Internet to the real world. At the same time, however, Van Buren ignores the recent efforts of the Iranian government to curb blogging through legal consequences such as imprisonment.

Lovink, Geert. Zero Comments: Blogging and Critical Internet Culture. New York: Routledge, 2008.

Lovink's book is primarily concerned with the rise of blogs and Web 2.0. He argues that blogs in the United States are bringing about the decay of traditional media and sees them as being largely driven by concerns about social ranking. In essence, he sees bloggers as "creative nihilists" who are "good for nothing." Lovink spends a portion of his book discussing Iran, a country where blogging's growth means the activity is no longer marginal. He notes that anonymity is essential for this growth. He then discuss the notion that blogging facilitates indigenization by creating an environment which gives cyberspace the same feel as the real world. In essence, Lovink believes that because blogs are so prevalent, people simply transfer their activities online. By doing this in the name of preserving their freedom, Lovink fears that Iranians are isolating themselves from the global community. He notes that many of these bloggers simply seek to expand their social networks and gain a special authority that they could not otherwise gain in the real world. Lovink also points out that anonymous blogging in Iran may not be as safe as Iranian bloggers believe. While ISPs are not centralized as in other countries (specifically China), it is hardly difficult for the authorities to track users based on their IP addresses (recent arrests of bloggers indicates this fact). Because of this, anonymous bloggers in Iran are really deluding themselves into complacency.

I chose to include Lovink's study in this book because of its counterpoint to traditional thinking about the Iranian blogosphere. Before addressing the issue of "nihilist blogging", it is important to mention that Lovink's perspective on anonymous blogging is valid. With ISPs submitting to state control, anonymous blogging would seem to largely be a social-norm. Yet Lovink doesn't seem too well-versed in the content of Iranian blogs. Many of the sentiments expressed on Iranian blogs would be unacceptable in Iranian public spaces. The fact that discussions of love (or other topics that would be considered immoral) can only be had on the internet seems to indicate that it is more than an extension of a person's physical world.

Jensen, Peder Are Nøstvold. "Blogging Iran: A Case Study of Iranian English-Language Weblogs." MA thesis. U of Oslo, 2004. 7 Apr. 2009 <http://www.duo.uio.no/sok/>.

Jensen's thesis challenges the notion that the internet exists in a "political or cultural vacuum". While he acknowledges that it is difficult to control information on the internet, he does point out a number of successful cases in which governments have succesfully controlled access to the internet in order to intimidate users and prevent them from seeking dissident viewpoints. Jensen also notes that since its introduction into authoritarian societies, the internet has yet to effect any change in authoritarian government. The bulk of Jensen's paper is a case study of Iranian English-language blogs. In his study, Jensen discovered that the censorship of these blogs has been increasing and that the majority of blogs seem to explicitly reference censorship and filtering. Additionally, he notes that the majority of bloggers inside Iran use anonymous identities. In spite of the recent crackdown on bloggers, Jensen reports that Iranians still have the most trust in the Internet.

Jensen's article provides a helpful set of excerpts and analysis that demonstrate the concerns of Iranian bloggers and their efforts to effect social and political change. These excerpts show that despite the main focus of these bloggers (whether it be art, sports, politics, or their personal lives), the concerns of censorship and political repression are ubiquitous. By providing these excerpts, Jensen thus explains the government's perceived need for filtering and censorship.

Doostdar, Alireza. "'The Vulgar Spirit of Blogging': On Language, Culture, and Power in Persian Weblogestan." American Anthropologist 106.4 (2004): 651-662. 7 Apr. 2009 <http://www.doostdar.com/articles/vsob.pdf>.

Doostdar, a blogger himself (writing in both English and Persian), opens his article by providing background on the vulgarity debate (bahs-e ebtzeaal) among Iranian bloggers. The debate concerns whether it is important to observe standard orthography and grammar, and whether the use of colloquial Persian is appropriate. Doostdar argues that the debate sparks mostly from the increasing separation of blogging from "offline" media, as well as a political clash between intellectuals and a larger group of people who use the internet to be free from any kind of authority or "intellectual pretense." He also challenges the naive assumption that the emergence of the internet will necessarily result in social, cultural, or political revolution. Doostdar points to many orthographic traits of blog writing to hint at the oral tradition of blogs. He continues on this idea to explain the "dialogic" nature of blogs; that is, blogs engage other texts (and other blogs and bloggers) in a dialogue about material. Part of this dialogue is an established custom of reciprocity that obliges the host blogger to comment on a visiting blogger's recent entries (the practice is known as did-o baazdid: "seeing and re-seeing"). He then discusses the use of "vulgarity" as a form of resistance.

While Doostdar doesn't address the larger social context of Iranian blogging, choosing instead to focus on the blogging community, many of his arguments can be extended from a linguistic debate to a larger social issue. Most importantly, the questions of linguistic authority and legitimacy reflect the dissidents view that the Islamic Republic and its moral code are illegitimate. While Doostdar speaks of resistance in terms of social practices, that resistance can be extended to a more subversive resistance against political authority as well. It is interesting that Doostdar chooses to connect blogging to oral speech traditions; in many ways, Iranian blogs are the discussions that the Iranian public is unable to engage in. Doostdar also ignores the occasional need to misspell in order to avoid censorship or filtering. Still, by examining this debate among bloggers, Doostdar further examines the diversity of Iranian bloggers and demonstrates how impassioned they are about the issues. He also shows how established they are becoming as a community.

Drezner, Daniel W, and Henry Farrell. "Web of Influence." Foreign Policy 145 (2004): 32-40.

Drezner and Farrell's article examines the ability of bloggers to shape media coverage and global policy. In a free society, Drezner and Farrell explain, journalists now look to weblogs to determine which topics in global affairs are salient. Because blogs have the ability to provide a real-time response to breaking news and offer unique perspectives of common people (rather than an elite class),  they provide a reliable source of public opinion for journalists and policy-makers alike. This gives blogs in most countries a strong agenda-setting ability. In more restricted societies, where the news media is subjected to state control or censorship, blogs often become an alternative source of news and opinion. The authors point out that bloggers are limited by restricted access, legal punishment, filtering, and lack of technological infrastructure. In this case, bloggers in these countries (or members of the country's diaspora) try to influence foreign media or foreign NGOs in order to indirectly improve the situation within their own country. In the Iranian case, Iranian bloggers have joined together with prominent English-language bloggers in order to attract media coverage and pressure the government to release an imprisoned blogger. Yet the authors also note that most bloggers mnust rely on traditional media for sources of information, which, combined with the threat of imprisonment, hinders their ability to accurately portray their situation.

Drezner and Farrell provide an intriguing model to explain the real-world influence of blogs. What they do not address, however, is the importance of architecture in the network. While bloggers in repressed societies do indeed appeal to foreign audiences, they also utilize tools to circumvent the efforts of government to control their speech and access. Still, the existence of foreign transnational networks (of NGOs and media organizations) does influence the proliferation of blogs in Iran by ensuring dissidents that efforts will be taken to address their concerns.

Rahimi, Babak. "Cyberdissent: The Internet in Revolutionary Iran." Middle East Review of International Affairs 7.3 (2003): 101-115. 7
     Apr. 2009

Rahimi's paper argues that, despite the government's efforts to regulate internet use, the rapid expansion of the internet and its uses in Iran has given political dissidents new ways to challenge state authority. The article opens with a historical overview of the development of the internet in Iran and the government's subsequent response. Rahimi notes that the number of Internet users in Iran is growing exponentially (at the time of the article, use was expected to soar from 1.2 million in 2003 to 15 million in 2006). Initially, the Islamic Republic welcomed the internet, hoping that it would boost the country's commercial and educational sectors and alleviate economic troubles caused by the Iran-Iraq War. While the Internet did promote economic competition (particularly for the development of private telecommunications and technology sectors free from state-control), the internet has become an important medium for interactions both within Iran and with the outside world. Internet users, particularly women, are turning to blogs as a medium for the expression that is denied them by strict society. By telling their stories, these women are defying the government's strict moral code.

It was not, however, until 2003 that the Iranian government employed any systematic method to block websites or filter internet content. Access providers were held responsible for preventing access to immoral or dissident content, but this requirement was, at the time Rahimi wrote, rarely enforced. This is largely explained through the government's lack of technological expertise, need for the economic benefits of the internet, and officials' desire to use the new medium to promote government policies and reputation. In the face of censorship and closure of print media organizations, the internet has provided a new arena of confrontation. Starting in 2000, the judiciary began to shut down specific newspapers and websites. In November 2001, the government declared that all ISPs would be required to submit to state control. Most recently, the government has attempted to filter activity, arrest web designers, and enact restrictions in the production and reception of content. Bloggers have increasingly been imprisoned.

Rahimi's article provides interesting background on the history and development of the Internet in Iran. By explaining the diversity of Iranian internet users, the article indirectly explains the wide variety of content found on Iranian servers. Similarly, Rahimi notes that regulation in Iran was the result of specific historical events. He thus demonstrates that in order to fully understand the rise of blogs and the policies used to regulate them, it is important to understand the larger context of the 1979 Iranian Revolution and the principles that guide the Islamic Republic.

Sato, Tadao. "Social Realism." Kenji Mizoguchi and the Art of Japanese Cinema. Ed. Aruna Vasudev and Latika Padgaonkar.
     Trans. Brij Tankha. Oxford: Berg, 2008. 41-54.

Sato begins by describing Mizoguchi's approach to realism. He believes that all of his films made during Mizoguchi's "social realist" period (roughly, 1929-1939) tackle both Westernization and complications of class-consciousness, and many of them can be considered leftist keiko films. In order to avoid police interference, Mizoguchi shot Sisters of the Gion from the perspective of gender discrimination. This resulted in a harsh criticism of the feudal nature of the geisha and the assertion that it is only natural for women to fight the prejudice they face in a male-dominated society.

Despite noting that Sisters of the Gion utilizes women's rights in order to make a greater critique of Japanese society, Sato fails to make the connection between the film's ending and the larger issues that surround the film's message. If we extend the criticism of a male-dominated society to a leftist perspective, we can consider the film an attack on the rigidity of the class structure produced by capitalism. After all, Omocha's actions do not only respond to the domination of men, but to the need for wealth in order to triumph over her socioeconomic status.

Le Fanu, Mark. "Geisha, Prostitution, and the Street." Mizoguchi and Japan. London: BFI Publishing, 2005. 69-95.

Mark Le Fanu's book provides excellent criticism on the surviving films of Mizoguchi. In the cited chapter, Le Fanu examines seven films that deal with the worlds of prostitution and the geisha of Kyoto. Le Fanu points out that the geisha's main function was an artistic one. He points out that Sisters of the Gion is primarily concerned with the characters' need for patronage and the geisha's exchange of freedom for money. He also sees Omocha as a free, brave spirit who stands out for her rebellion in a time when Japanese women were expected to be meek and submissive. Finally, Le Fanu confronts the problem of the film's ending. While many critics believe it to be too abrupt and explicit, Le Fanu believes that this change in pace is what gives the film its power: not only does Omocha's soliloquy explicitly point at the plight of geisha, but it is the only moment of the film in which we see such raw emotion (Kimura's bitter revenge is remarkably restrained).

While my emphasis in this project is on Japanese society as a whole, it is important not to ignore the fact that Sisters of the Gion examines the unique role of Japanese geisha in the 1930s. The principal motivation for Omocha's actions is to secure a new kimono for Umekichi so that she can participate in a dance. In fact, this is the only explicit mention of the geisha's artistic role; Mizoguchi largely overlooks it in order to focus on the importance of patronage. Perhaps Sisters of the Gion is a directed criticism of the geisha, but I am of the opinion that Le Fanu's analysis is too directed. It is not so much geishadom as a whole that Mizoguchi opposes (after all, the artistic role of the geisha does not come under fire), but rather the feudal values that surround it. Mizoguchi's chief criticism is the required subservience of women. These female performers, who carry out a highly celebrated artistic function (according to Le Fanu) must essentially sell themselves in order to survive. Yet in attempting to pursue this goal, they are resented or defamed for their methods. It may be an extreme case, but Kimura's revenge is a manifestation of this criticism.

Richie, Donald. "1896-1945." Japanese Cinema: Film Style and National Character. Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1971. 1-58

In the first part of his book, Donald Richie traces Japanese film from its origins through World War II. According to Richie, Japanese filmmakers have always emphasized a rigid distinction between period films (jidai-genki) and films that depict contemporary life (gendai-geki). He claims that this stems from a traditional predilection towards categorization. Yet in many films, characters make a seamless transition from the modern to the traditional (Richie uses the example of man who comes home from work and changes from a business suit to a kimono). This seeming contradiction is one of the aspects that make Japanese film stand out from its Western counterparts. Richie cites Sisters of the Gion as an exemplary statement of the double standard in Japanese life: while the present is grounded in historical traditions, there still exists a strong opposition between old and new. He claims that while Umekichi is too afraid of violating customs to pursue her goals, Omocha's opposition to the traditions of her society interfere with her success (Richie points to the timing of Omocha's auto accident; after she has successfully secured a wealthy patron, her manipulations come back to haunt her).

The conflict that Richie discusses perhaps best summarizes the conflict between tradition and modernity in the film. And, just as Richie points out, one of the best examples of this in Sisters of the Gion is dress. Early in the film, as Umekichi and Omocha stroll down the street, we see the women's conflicting values in their clothing: while Umekichi is dressed in a traditional kimono, Omocha's blouse and skirt are more modern (or at least, more Western). Yet for all of her modern values, Omocha must later don a kimono in order to fulfill her goals; she is restricted by society's traditional expectations. Omocha's actions further embody this conflict: she fuses her modern ideals with the geisha's traditional role in order to bring about her desired changes. Her ultimate failure suggests the need for a reevaluation of social norms rather than an attempt to fuse the past with the present.

Additionally, it is worth nothing that when Kimura exacts his revenge on Omocha, he is wearing a modern suit as opposed to the traditional raiments in which he is seen for most of the film. This is essentially a graphical representation of modern ideals bringing about Omocha's downfall.

Kirihara, Donald. "Sisters of the Gion." Patterns of Time: Mizoguchi and the 1930s. Madison, Wisconsin: University of Wisconsin
     Press, 1992. 116-136.

Donald Kirihara's book contains background on Mizoguchi's style as well as criticism (largely formalist) of four of his films. Kirihara believes that Sisters of the Gion stands out from Mizoguchi's other films about geisha by contrasting the lives of two different woman. Kirihara spends time focusing on how the parallels in the narrative emphasize the conflict between men and women. He states that this also allows the viewer to focus on the static nature of both Umekichi and Omocha, both of whom, at the end of the movie, rearticulate beliefs previously stated at the film's beginning. He also discusses the film's problematic final scene: does the end enhance or take away from the overall message film?

Kirihara fails to adequately answer that question, simply pointing out the structural elements in the narrative to show how the final scene brings the movie full-circle. However in order to address that, it is important to consider the parallels that run throughout the narrative of the film. By intertwining the story of Umekichi and Furosawa with those of Omocha and the three men whom she interacts with, Mizoguchi pushes the spectator to draw an implicit comparison between the two sisters. This narrative structure suggests that the main focus of the film is actually Umekichi rather than Omocha. Yet if the close-ups in the film's final scene cause the viewer to identify emotionally with Omocha, why is this so?

Because it is Furosawa's bankruptcy that sets the film in motion, it would seem that Mizoguchi would like us to focus on Umekichi's traditional values. Following this, Omocha's role in the film (at least until the final film) is to offer an alternative line of thinking. Every action that Umekichi takes in order to further her relationship with Furosawa can be compared with a step that Umekichi takes to further her position (following the scene where Umekichi learns what Omocha told Furosawa, Kudo's wife learns that Kudo has become Omocha's patron). If the viewer is focused on Umekichi's relationship with Furosawa--which when not tampered with by others, flourishes--Furosawa's eventual departure is that much more powerful. This brings the viewer to the conclusion that Umekichi's traditional values have failed her.

If that is the case, then what is the viewer supposed to turn to? This is the role of the final scene that Kirihara fails to address. It is Omocha who receives the attention at the end of the film. While she may be recovering from an injury caused by her manipulation of men, it is her attitude towards men that is restated strongly. While Umekichi is meek and depressed, Omocha's experiences have re-energized her desire to overcome the geisha's subservience to men. While she is indeed tormented by her injury, the final close-up leaves us confident that she will eventually triumph.

So while the final scene does restate the themes of the beginning of the film, it shifts the focus of the spectator to suggest the dominance of one view (Omocha's modernity) over another.

Mellen, Joan. "Women in Japan." The Waves at Genji's Door: Japan through its Cinema. New York: Pantheon Books, 1976. 247-269.

Joan Mellen's book studies Japanese film by placing it in its historical, social, and political context. In this particular section, Mellen examines the traditional role of women in Japan. She claims that women in Japanese film (even after World War II) are rarely portrayed as independent beings with rights of their own. She then discusses the concept of giri (preconceived social obligations), claiming that even when women in Japanese film are pursuing personal inclinations, they are really only given the choice between different giri. Mellen then examines this concept in Shinoda's 1969 film, Double Suicide; her analysis yields a dichotomy in many Japanese films between "wife and whore" (or "wife" and "loose woman"). She then continues to examine the role of women in the films of Mizoguchi (she does not, however, look at Sisters of the Gion), stating that all of Mizoguchi's films reveal the director's belief that Japanese women are forced to sacrifice themselves by virtue of existing.

The feudal concept of giri resonates throughout Sisters of the Gion. Umekichi's devotion to Furosawa and her refusal to solicit another patron is as much a function of her love for the man as it is a result of her commitment to giri. Similarly, when Furosawa returns to his wife, he is fulfilling his own obligation to her; in the end, he chooses his giri to "wife" over that owed to his "whore". On the other hand, Omocha rebels against the notion of giri when she rejects Kimura and seduces Kudo. Additionally, by using Furosawa's poverty as a failure to fulfill his giri to the women in his life as justification for breaking Umekichi's giri, Omocha offers a glimpse at the double standard of Japanese society.

Yet perhaps more interesting, Sisters of the Gion examines the obligations between sisters. While appearing to reject the notion of giri altogether, Omocha's efforts to improve her sister's lot in life (by soliciting a wealthy patron) actually show a high level of commitment to her sister. Much in the same vein, despite finding Omocha's interference in her life to be despicable, Umekichi ultimately returns to her sister's side. Thus, while Mellen might believe that Mizoguchi laments that women who are forced to sacrifice their lives in the name of duty, there is no criticism of the social obligations between family. His problem, then, is not with the sacrifice of women in Japanese society, but the apparent subservience of the giri of women to the obligations of men (this is further demonstrated by the devastating effects of Furosawa's choice to return home to his wife).

Anderson, Joseph L, and Donald Richie. "The Talkies, Interior: 1931-1939 (cont.)." The Japanese Film: Art and Industry. 1959.
     Expanded ed. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1982. 90-125

Anderson and Richie divide their book into two parts: the "background", which focuses on both the artistic and industrial development of Japanese film over time, and the "foreground", which examines the films themselves. In the chapter cited, the authors examine how the advent of sound resulted in the commercial expansion of Japanese film as well as major innovations in film technique and changes in Japanese film content. Much of this chapter focuses on the evolution of shomin-geki during the 1930s. Shomin-geki was a new genre, emphasizing the importance of realism and focusing on the working class. Anderson and Richie note that few films challenge the changes taking place in Japan during this time (specifically, the call for a return to feudal values, particularly those of war and conquest), Sisters of the Gion is one of the few that challenges the path taken by Japan's leaders. They point out the strong tension between tradition (represented by Umekichi) and modernity (represented by Omocha) that persists throughout the film yet point out that the ending of the film still leaves question as to the best path for both girls. While Umekichi is too encumbered by her aquiescence to tradition, Omocha's modernity does not allow her to triumph.

In essence, Richie and Anderson extend the clash between values to the political stage. They ascribe an impartiality to the film, claiming that Mizoguchi's realism forces the spectator to make a choice between values. Following their analysis, we would expect the film to maintain an unbiased view of the sisters' situation, offering a challenge to the socioeconomic conditions surrounding the film while not offering a solution. Yet the film does take a clear viewpoint. While the ending leaves both sisters condemned, it is only Umekichi who has truly lost the ability to pursue her goals. While Omocha may be in the hospital due to violating Kimura's expectations (which are defined by his traditional view of the role of a Japanese geisha), she still has the potential to recover from this temporary obstacle and return to the wealthy Kudo. On the political level, Omocha's accident would represent the temporary delay caused by the reimposition of traditional values. Yet if Japan recovers quickly from this, it would still be able to be successful internationally.

The film's listing in VCAT.

Lopate, Phillip. "A Master Who Could Create Poems for the Eye." New York Times 15 Sept. 1995: H15+

Lopate examines the work of Mizoguchi in preparation for a coming Mizoguchi retrospective in New York City. Lopate raises the debate as to whether Mizoguchi can truly be considered a champion of women's rights; he claims that many feminist film critics believe that his attention to the sufferings of women is "disguised sadism". In particular, did Mizoguchi attempt to represent the pressures faced by the geisha in order to show the oppression of Japanese society, or was he in favor of the traditional practice that many feminists see as degrading women. Lopate points out that Mizoguchi often explored women's mistrust of men (he points explicitly to Omocha in Sisters of the Gion). He continues by considering the auteur's use of long takes in portraying extreme conflict or emotion.

The debate is particularly relevant to Sisters of the Gion; it is central to the issues surrounding the film's cryptic ending. While the detachment produced by the camerawork suggests a disregard for the fate of the film's characters, I find little evidence to believe that Mizoguchi is championing the traditional values that kept Japanese women on a lower social tier than men. After all, the traditional Umekichi, who remains faithful to her patron, does not end up happy at the end of the film. In fact, Furosawa's departure reflects a bitter cynicism towards the treatment of women at the hands of Japanese men. While Omocha's accident could be a form of punishment for her action, the sudden close-up at the end suggests that we are to identify with her pain rather than chastise her for her actions.

Santos, Antonio. "Las hermanas de Gion (1936)." Kenji Mizoguchi. Madrid: Catédra, 1993. 155-169.

In this chapter, Santos explores the theme of loyalty and sisterhood in Sisters of the Gion. Santos posits that because the two are presented as sisters, the antithesis of the two is stronger. He claims that this is enunciated clearly from their initial appearance: while Umekichi demonstrates her hospitality to Furosawa, Omocha enters and all but ignores the man's presence. Even the sisters' backgrounds provide stark contrast: Omocha's attitude is a product of her modern schooling, while Umekichi's insistence on tradition comes from her formal training as a geisha. This opposition mirrors the struggle of Japan, a nation with a rich cultural heritage thrown towards Western thought. Santos also points out that it is a man (Furosawa) that begins to divide the sisters. By the end of movie, both sisters are united by the failure of the one's docility and the other's rebellion. He sees Omocha's final lines as speaking for both her and her more passive sister.

By examining the ending as a product of sisterhood loyalty, one would reach the conclusion that it is the sisters' burden to each other that keeps them from happiness. It could be that Umekichi's commitment to Omocha is what prevents her from pursuing Furosawa, while Omocha's efforts to secure both a nice kimono and a wealthy patron for her sister are what lead to her accident. What, then, are the larger values being championed by the film? While Santos' interpretation suggests that Omocha's final sentences are the message of the film, it fails to address not only the conflict between the sisters, but the conflict between the men and women of the film. Rather, it addresses why the bond between the women of the film (and by extension, Japanese women) hold strong, while the relations between the film's men and women constantly falter.

Wada-Marciano, Mitsuyo. "Imaging Modern Girls." Nippon Modern: Japanese Cinema of the 1920s and 1930s. Honolulu: University of
     Hawai'i Press, 2008. 76-110.

In this chapter from Mitsuyo Wada-Marciano's books, the author explores the idea of the modern girl (or moga). Wada-Marciano claims that the "woman's film genre" reflects the discourse on the experience of modernity. She elaborates by saying that the function of the modern girl in movies was to give form to an "invisible, unacknowledged Japanese anxiety" (88). The chapter ends by considering the dichotomy between the modern girl and the traditional woman as representative of the Japanese society as a whole.

We can consider Omocha to be Sisters of the Gion's modern girl. When contrasted to the other characters around her, she demonstrates progressive ideas (notably, equality between men and women). If we consider her further to represent a problem in to the Japanese socioeconomic status quo, Omocha does not only represent the threat of feminism to the geisha tradition but also the threat of a powerful, modern women successfully manipulating men in order to achieve her desires. Meanwhile, Umekichi can be seen as the status quo; she is undemanding and willing to accept what life hands her.