Farmworkers are low-paid, uninsured employees in an extremely hazardous industry, and they provide an essential service for U.S. society. This review evaluates the delivery of health services to farmworkers. It describes the farmworker population in the United States, noting characteristics (e.g., migratory and immigration status) that limit their access to and utilization of health services. It describes the health services needs of this population, including occupational health, mental health, oral health, and chronic disease treatment. Cultural, structural, legal, financial, and geographic barriers to health services utilization are described. Existing research on health services utilization among farmworkers is discussed. Programs that have been developed to address the barriers to health services utilization among farmworkers are reviewed. Finally, research needed to improve knowledge of farmworker health services utilization is suggested. These research needs include formal evaluations of existing programs and basic research to characterize the health services utilization patterns of farmworkers.
The past decade witnessed an explosion in research on many aspects of the economics of immigration. ... This paper does not attempt to provide an encyclopedic summary of the empirical results in the literature; instead, it surveys the themes and lessons suggested by the ongoing research. Perhaps the most important theme is that an assessment of the economic impact of immigration requires an understanding of the factors that motivate persons in the source countries to emigrate and of the economic consequences of pursuing particular immigration policies. As a result, the most important lesson is that the economic impact of immigration will vary by time and by place, and can be either beneficial or harmful. Although the discussion focuses on the experience of the United States (simply because most studies in the literature use data drawn from the U.S. decennial Censuses), we will see that much can be learned by comparing the U.S. experience to that of other host countries.
This review synthesizes research about religion in the lives of post-1965 immigrants to the United States. Such research consists primarily of case studies, published since 1990, focused on individual religious organizations started and attended by immigrants. We analyze these case studies to demonstrate the different ways religion influences immigrants’ adaptation in the United States. We then consider how religion informs immigrants’ ethnic and gender-based identities, their experiences of civic and political life, and the lives of the second generation. We argue that current research is more descriptive than analytic overall, and we highlight a series of research questions and comparisons to enrich theoretical thinking. In particular, we advocate a comparative approach to examining immigrants’ religious organizations and increased attention to a “lived religion” perspective, which takes seriously the ways religion is important for immigrants outside of religious organizations in social institutions, including civic organizations, families, workplaces, schools, and health-care organizations.
This review examines the scholarship at the intersection of immigration law, race, and identity. Historically, much of the literature has focused on the ways immigration law has constructed, and been constructed by, racial categories. I argue that African American racialization has been a central component of immigrant exclusion and that immigrant racialization has paradoxically hardened images of blackness. Whereas this literature emphasizes the role of law in this process, much of the more recent literature decenters law. This scholarship privileges issues of identity construction, with the fluidity and contingency of racial identity taking center stage. Despite this decentering, law clearly still matters. Examining the reference to Hurricane Katrina victims as "refugees" and the vehement reaction against that reference, we can see the complexities of the connection between racial construction and immigration and the implications for future scholarship.
The past 15 years have brought an upsurge of "autochthony." It has become an incendiary political slogan in many parts of the African continent as an unexpected corollary of democratization and the new style of development policies ("by-passing the state" and decentralization). The main agenda of the new autochthony movements is the exclusion of supposed "strangers" and the unmasking of "fake" autochthons, who are often citizens of the same nation-state. However, Africa is no exception in this respect. Intensified processes of globalization worldwide seem to go together with a true "conjuncture of belonging" (T.M. Li 2000) and increasingly violent attempts to exclude "allochthons." This article compares studies of the upsurge of autochthony in Africa with interpretations of the rallying power of a similar discourse in Western Europe. How can the same discourse appear "natural" in such disparate circumstances? Recent studies highlight the extreme malleability of the apparently self-evident claims of autochthony. These discourses promise the certainty of belonging, but in practice, they raise basic uncertainties because autochthony is subject to constant redefinition against new "others" and at ever-closer range.
The publication of American Apartheid (Massey & Denton 1993) was influential in shifting public discourse back toward racial residential segregation as fundamental to persisting racial inequality. At the end of the twentieth century, the majority of blacks remained severely segregated from whites in major metropolitan areas. Due to the persistence of high-volume immigration, Hispanic and Asian segregation from whites has increased, although it is still best characterized as moderate. This review examines trends in the residential segregation of blacks, Hispanics, and Asians and recent research focused on understanding the causes of persisting segregation. This discussion is organized around two broad theoretical perspectives—spatial assimilation and place stratification. After detailing the consequences of segregation for affected groups, I identify gaps in our understanding and goals for future research.
With nearly one in ten residents of advanced industrialized states now an immigrant, international migration has become a fundamental driver of social, economic, and political change. We review alternative models of migratory behavior (which emphasize structural factors largely beyond states' control) as well as models of immigration policy making that seek to explain the gaps between stated policy and actual outcomes. Some scholars attempt to explain the limited efficacy of control policies by focusing on domestic interest groups, political institutions, and the interaction among them; others approach the issue from an international or “intermestic” perspective. Despite the modest effects of control measures on unauthorized flows of economic migrants and asylum seekers, governments continue to determine the proportion of migrants who enjoy legal status, the specific membership rights associated with different legal (and undocumented) migrant classes, and how policies are implemented. These choices have important implications for how the costs and benefits of migration are distributed among different groups of migrants, native-born workers, employers, consumers, and taxpayers.
This review discusses research on the urban street gang after the 1960s, the period in which social scientists began to conceptualize the gang outside of the social-problems framework. Street-gang research has changed dramatically in the past three decades in accordance with general shifts in sociological research, including developments in gender studies, economic sociology, and race and ethnic relations. This review addresses these major trends and debates and highlights suggestions for areas of future inquiry that build on innovations of contemporary scholars.
This article strives to meet two challenges. As a review, it provides a critical discussion of the scholarship concerning undocumented migration, with a special emphasis on ethnographically informed works that foreground significant aspects of the everyday life of undocumented migrants. But another key concern here is to formulate more precisely the theoretical status of migrant "illegality" and deportability in order that further research related to undocumented migration may be conceptualized more rigorously. This review considers the study of migrant "illegality" as an epistemological, methodological, and political problem, in order to then formulate it as a theoretical problem. The article argues that it is insufficient to examine the "illegality" of undocumented migration only in terms of its consequences and that it is necessary also to produce historically informed accounts of the sociopolitical processes of "illegalization" themselves, which can be characterized as the legal production of migrant "illegality."
Atwater and his colleagues began studying food consumption in the closing years of the nineteenth century and from the very start devoted much effort to collecting data from poor and minority households. This paper reviews some of the fruits of these labors, particularly from the standpoint of what they contribute toward a better historical understanding of American food habits and nutrition. It surveys dietary data from African American, Appalachian white, Mexican American, native-born poor, and immigrant households. These data shed light on several areas of historical concern, including rural versus urban nutrition, seasonal hunger, class disparities, and food-habit change. I suggest the economically and culturally diverse sample of dietary patterns that comes to us as a legacy of the Atwater era sets the stage for a history of American food habits considerably more sophisticated than has been realized to date.
This paper surveys research on the size of the undocumented immigrant population in the United States, the causes and consequences of illegal migrant flows, public attitudes toward unauthorized migrants, and the history of attempts to control the volume of undocumented migration. It concludes that there are powerful push and pull factors that create and sustain the volume of unauthorized migration, that there is little evidence that undocumented migrants have negative labor market consequences despite what the general public thins, that US policy has been largely powerless to make a permanent dent in undocumented immigration, and that the current level of clandestine US immigration may not be far from what society might view as socially optimal.
This article analyzes American democracy from a European perspective. It argues that American democracy (like European democracies) is based on antinomies, two societal and two institutional, deeply rooted in American constitutional development. Thus, each time American democracy has been used as a model and exported, the attempt has ended in failure. An antinomic model can be studied but not imitated. The article concludes that what is interesting for non-Americans is the way American democracy has historically dealt with these antinomies, more than the American model per se. The American method has to do with a peculiar constitutional structure that, having had the chance to institutionalize liberal principles, has tended to promote a positive-sum solution to those antinomies, in accord with individualistic values. Here resides the great divide between American and European constitutional structures; for opposite reasons, the European constitutional structure tends to promote a zero-sum solution to similar antinomies, in agreement with collectivistic values. In both structures, something important may be lost—private freedom in the latter and public good in the former. Could a reciprocal constitutional learning process allow both sides to learn the missing side of the story?
To achieve its health goals, the United States must reduce the disproportionate burden of illness and poor health borne by urban populations. In the 20th century, patterns of immigration and migration, changes in the global economy, increases in income inequality, and more federal support for suburbanization have made it increasingly difficult for cities to protect the health of all residents. In the last 25 years, epidemics of human immunodeficiency virus infections and substance abuse and increases in homelessness, lack of health insurance, rates of violence, and concentrations of certain pollutants have also damaged the health of urban residents. Several common strategies for health promotion are described, and their relevance to the unique characteristics of urban populations is assessed. To identify ways to strengthen health promotion practices in U.S. cities, lessons have been taken from five related fields of endeavor: human rights, church- and faith-based social action, community economic development, youth development, and the new social movements. By integrating lessons from these areas into their practice, public health professionals can help to revitalize the historic mission of public health, contribute to creating healthier cities, and better achieve national health objectives.
Most European countries are examining how they have sought to integrate immigrants in the past and how they might change their policies to avoid some of the problems exhibited in immigrant and minority communities today. Discrimination and issues of racism, including the rise of anti-immigrant radical right parties, have become important, as evidenced in part by the passage of the European Union's Racial Equality Directive in 2000. This essay reviews comparative research in political science on immigrant integration in Western Europe. It discusses multiculturalism and assimilation, party politics, antidiscrimination policy, and policy at the European Union level.
Anthropology and its sister disciplines have begun to treat migration as a system, examining both stream and counterstreams; and working at both ends - sending and receiving societies. In this essay I will review the findings of the now growing literature on return migration, attempting to pull together the insights made by fieldworkers and to arrive at some generalizations. Treated will be typologies of return migrants, reasons for return, adaptation and readjustment of returnees, and the impact of return migration on the migrants' home societies.
The adaptations which follow upon the migration of rural people to urban environments take place within three social arenas: among members of the home community left behind; among the migrants themselves; and within the urban host community to which they go. Thus the adaptive process is something of a three-ring circus, and no single researcher can be expected to deal with all three sectors. ... In the sections that follow we will sketch major alternative strategies within each of these three areans in turn and suggest factors that appear to be important in determining which strategies will be chosen. But the interrelations among these three arenas, among the strategies employed within each, and among the determinants of these strategies, will prevent a nearly compartmentalized presentation.
This paper constitutes an attempt to summarize the present state of knowledge concerning the economic impacts of immigrants on domestic workers. ... We begin in section I with a discussion of the volume and characteristics of U.S. immigration during the 1970s. ... Section II includes a highly simplified model of international migration that illustrates a number of issues that have arisen in the debate concerning the economic consequences of U.S. immigration. ... Section III focuses on immigration's impact on internal redistributions in the United States .... Section IV considers the assimilation of imigrants into the U.S. economy ....
A realist versus nominalist debate within the field of international migration questions whether refugees are fundamentally distinct from immigrants or whether the category is a social construction masking similarities with immigrants. Contemporary refugee and immigrant flows conform to patterns of the world system. However, refugee migrations are caused by changes in the nation-state. Like immigrants, refugees organize migration through social networks, but the composition of their networks and the effects of migration on social identity differ. In a host society, both populations adapt with household economic strategies that secure multiple income sources, although the state plays a greater role in the adaptation of refugees. The partial convergence of two migration forms once presumed opposit reveals general patterns in international migration and adaptation, supporting the nominalist perspective. The remaining differences suggest that refugees are primarily distinguished by their relationship to the state, thus supporting the realist perspective.
Over the past 20 years, the United States has experienced one of the largest waves of immigration in its history. Understanding the health status and needs of immigrants is important because of their growing numbers and their contribution to the health of the nation, but it is challenging because of gaps in national databases, the heterogeneity of immigrant populations, and uncertainty about how migration affects health. Healthy People 2010 outlines the nation's public health objectives for the current decade. It includes ten leading health indicators (LHIs) chosen because of their importance as public health issues, their ability to motivate action, and the availability of data to measure their progress. In this paper, we discuss the health of immigrants from the perspective of these LHIs, as they provide a framework for anticipating some of the future health needs of immigrants and help define priority areas for research and action.
Understanding racial, ethnic, and immigrant variation in educational achievement and attainment is more important than ever as the U.S. population becomes increasingly diverse. The Census Bureau estimates that in 2000, 34% of all youth aged 15–19 were from minority groups; it estimates that by 2025, this will increase to 46% (U.S. Census Bureau 2000). In addition, approximately one in five school-age children reside in an immigrant family (Zhou 1997, Suarez-Orozco & Suarez-Orozco 2001). We provide an overview of recent empirical research on racial, ethnic, and immigrant differences in educational achievement and attainment, and we examine some current theories that attempt to explain these differences. We explore group differences in grades, test scores, course taking, and tracking, especially throughout secondary schooling, and then discuss variation in high school completion, transitions to college, and college completion. We also summarize key theoretical explanations used to explain persistent differences net of variation in socioeconomic status, which focus on family and cultural beliefs that stem from minority group and class experiences. Overall, there are many signs of optimism. Racial and ethnic gaps in educational achievement and attainment have narrowed over the past three decades by every measure available to social scientists. Educational aspirations are universally high for all racial and ethnic groups as most adolescents expect to go to college. However, substantial gaps remain, especially between less advantaged groups such as African Americans, Hispanics, and Native Americans and more advantaged groups such as whites and Asian Americans. The racial and ethnic hierarchy in educational achievement is apparent across varying measures of the academic experience.
Studies of how economic globalization influences domestic politics have disproportionately focused on questions of policy rather than politics. Recently, however, a number of studies have examined how economic globalization influences politics—specifically electoral politics. This article surveys these new studies, which have often appeared in disparate research areas, and argues that they constitute considerable evidence that international economic integration influences seemingly domestic political processes.
Over the past four decades, immigration has increased the racial and ethnic diversity in the United States. Once a mainly biracial society with a large white majority and relatively small black minority—and an impenetrable color line dividing these groups—the United States is now a society composed of multiple racial and ethnic groups. Along with increased immigration are rises in the rates of racial/ethnic intermarriage, which in turn have led to a sizeable and growing multiracial population. Currently, 1 in 40 persons identifies himself or herself as multiracial, and this figure could soar to 1 in 5 by the year 2050. Increased racial and ethnic diversity brought about by the new immigration, rising intermarriage, and patterns of multiracial identification may be moving the nation far beyond the traditional and relatively persistent black/white color line. In this chapter, we review the extant theories and recent findings concerning immigration, intermarriage, and multiracial identification, and consider the implications for America's changing color lines. In particular, we assess whether racial boundaries are fading for all groups or whether America's newcomers are simply crossing over the color line rather than helping to eradicate it.
The past two decades have witnessed a sea change in migration scholarship. Most scholars now recognize that many contemporary migrants and their predecessors maintain various kinds of ties to their homelands at the same time that they are incorporated into the countries that receive them. Increasingly, social life takes place across borders, even as the political and cultural salience of nation-state boundaries remains strong. Transnational migration studies has emerged as an inherently interdisciplinary field, made up of scholars around the world, seeking to describe and analyze these dynamics and invent new methodological tools with which to do so. In this review, we offer a short history of theoretical developments, outlining the different ways in which scholars have defined and approached transnational migration. We then summarize what is known about migrant transnationalism in different arenas—economics, politics, the social, the cultural, and the religious. Finally, we discuss methodological implications for the study of international migration, present promising new scholarship, and highlight future research directions.
We review cultural psychopathology research since Kleinman's (1988) important review with the goals of updating past reviews, evaluating current conceptualizations and methods, and identifying emerging substantive trends. Conceptual advances are noted, particularly developments in the definition of culture and the examination of both culture-specific and cultural-general processes. The contributions of the Culture and Diagnosis Task Force for DSM-IV and the World Mental Health Report are reviewed and contrasted. Selected research on anxiety, schizophrenia, and childhood disorders is examined, with particular attention given to the study of ataque de nervios, social factors affecting the course of schizophrenia, and cross-national differences in internalizing and externalizing problems in children. Within the last ten years, cultural psychopathology research has become a significant force. Its focus on the social world holds promise to make significant inroads in reducing suffering and improving people's everyday lives.
The purpose of this review is to provide a factual basis for understanding this "new migration" to the United States. While sociologists have played an important role in conducting research on this topic, the study of immigration is inherently interdisciplinary. The review therefore draws upon research from a variety of disciplines in order to discover who the "new immigrants" are and how they are faring in this country.
This paper reviews the literature on the neglected role of women in migration. It argues that focusing on gender and the family can provide the necessary linkage of micro and macro levels of analyses. Striving to contribute to a gendered understanding of the social process of migration, the review organizes the literature along these major issues: How is gender related to the decision to migrate ...? What are the patterns of labor market incorporation of women immigrants ...? What is the relationship of thepublic and the private ...? Throughout, the necessity to understand how ethnicity, class, and gender interact in the process of migration and settlement is stressed.
For many decades the United States was the main receiving country, and most of the early analysis of migration was by Americans. This dominance does not mean, of course, that no one went to other overseas destinations, especially the British dominions and various parts of Latin America and Asia. This review includes both new interpretations of past migrations and important changes from earlier movements.
In 1995, Sampson & Wilson assessed the state of knowledge on race and violence and set forth an approach for future research. We review macrostructural analyses of race, ethnicity, and violent crime since 1995 to evaluate progress in explaining inequality in criminal violence across racial and ethnic groups. Among the important advances are studies that attempt to gain insights from explicit comparisons of racially distinct but structurally similar communities, expansion of work beyond the black-white divide, and incorporation of macrostructural factors into multilevel models of racial/ethnic differences in violence. Yet, progress is limited in all these directions, and additional questions remain. Thus, we offer a perspective and suggestions for future research that will expand knowledge on this important topic.
Millions of ex-colonials, "guest workers," refugees, and other immigrants have settled in western Europe during recent decades. Extensive research on this phenomenon broadens sociology's understanding of intergroup relations in industrial societies. Unlike African Americans, these new Europeans are often viewed as not "belonging," and gaining citizenship can be difficult. The chapter discusses four major reactions to the new minorities: prejudice, discrimination, political opposition, and violence. Both blatant and subtle forms of prejudice predict anti-immigrant attitudes. And between 1988 and 1991, a hardening took place in these attitudes. Similarly, direct and indirect discrimination against the new minorities is pervasive. Moreover, anti-discrimination efforts have been largely ineffective. Far-right, anti-immigration political parties have formed to exploit this situation. These openly racist parties have succeeded in shifting the political spectrum on the issue to the right. In addition, violence against third-world immigrants has increased in recent years, especially in nations such as Britain and Germany where far-right parties are weakest. The chapter concludes that these phenomena are remarkably consistent across western Europe. Furthermore, the European research on these topics supports and extends North American research in intergroup relations.
This paper reviews research on the causes of migration, with the intention of delineating the current state of theoretical development on the factors determining migration and nonmigration and those influencing the direction of migration. There are two additional generic areas of migration theory that are not treated in this review: the effects of migration on the individual and the impact of migration on society and communities.
During the past two decades, the radical right has reemerged as an electoral force in Western Europe, as well as in other stable democracies such as Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. Aside from discussing the ideology of this party family and how it relates to older forms of right-wing radicalism and extremism, such as fascism, this review deals with the question of how the emergence of radical right-wing parties can be explained and why such parties have been considerably more successful among voters in some countries than in others. Possible explanations are grouped into two parts: The first consists of so-called demand-centered explanations, that is, explanations that focus on changing preferences, beliefs, and attitudes among voters. The second consists of so-called supply-side explanations, that is, explanations that focus on political opportunity structures and party organizational factors.
Economists were among the many scholars uprooted following Hitler's rise to power in 1933. This article reviews a series of books edited by Harald Hagemann and others which provide extensive biographical information on 314 German-speaking economists whose professional opportunities were shattered by Nazi policies. It evaluates the impact of the massive emigration on economic research and teaching in Germany and Austria and in the nations to which most of the economists emigrated. An analysis of 1966-70 data reveals that the emigres' cited publication counts were equivalent to the citations of three leading U.S. economics departments.
The study of race in American politics has largely been confined to the examination of African-Americans and their relations with whites. Demographic changes in the American population necessitate that we broaden this perspective to include other nonwhite groups. In this essay, we examine the similarities and differences between African-Americans on the one hand and Latinos and Asian-Americans on the other. In particular, we identify factors that are likely to distinguish the political experiences of these groups, focusing particularly on the roles of immigration and group identity. We also examine the state of knowledge regarding circumstances under which intergroup competition and cooperation are likely to occur. We suggest that neither competition nor cooperation is inevitable; rather, the emergence of either will be contingent on the specific historical and demographic circumstances of the community and the choices and attitudes of both political elites and mass publics.
This review explores contemporary processes through which immigrants are categorized into shifting racial landscapes in the new Europe. Tracing the racial genealogy of the immigrant through European and Europeanist migration studies, the successive construction of overlapping tropes of the nomad, the laborer, the uprooted victim, the hybrid cosmopolite, and the (Muslim) transmigrant are examined. This history points to the perduring problematization of the immigrant as the object of national integration. If migration studies have effectively tended to racialize migrants into a new savage slot, recent ethnographies of the immigrant experience in Europe point to ways in which immigrant and diasporic groups cross racial frontiers and enact solidarity across class and cultural lines.
An understanding of African American and Hispanic adolescent drug abuse occurs at the intersection of context, development, and behavior. The focus of this review is on the impact of racial/ethnic culture as one of the important contexts that influence adolescent development toward or away from prosocial behaviors. Because family plays a major role in both African American and Hispanic cultures, it is also a centerpiece of any discussion of adolescent development in these groups. This review on the state of the science in drug abuse for African American and Hispanic adolescents focuses on epidemiology, culturally specific risk and protective processes, and prevention and treatment research. From the perspective of a broad lens, specific minority groups such as African Americans and Hispanics would appear to have more in common than not. However, each of these groups encompasses considerable genetic, historical, social, and cultural heterogeneity. Investigation across such diversity will yield a more complete picture of the human condition.
The immigrants to the United States since 1965 are overwhelmingly an urban population; they have converged on a small number of large metropolitan areas. This article describes the characteristics of the new immigration and its geography. It then focusses on the key immigrant-receiving metropolitan areas and discusses the relationship between the restructuring of their economies and land markets and the employment and settlement patterns of the new immigrants.
This review examines research about current levels and recent changes in ethnic and racial stratification in the United States. Research about ethnic inequality emphasizes that economic stagnation and restructuring are troubling impediments to progress toward equality, and it shows evidence that employers may still use racial and ethnic queues in hiring. A number of issues arise with respect to the incorporation of the new waves of immigrants who have arrived since immigration law reform in 1965. We discuss patterns of adaptation of new immigrants, including available evidence on the ethnic enclave economy and substitution in the labor market of immigrants for native minorities. We summarize new theories and hypotheses about the fate of the children of recent immigrants, and we point to topics in this area needing further research.
This review examines research on the assimilation of immigrant groups. We review research on four primary benchmarks of assimilation: socioeconomic status, spatial concentration, language assimilation, and intermarriage. The existing literature shows that today's immigrants are largely assimilating into American society along each of these dimensions. This review also considers directions for future research on the assimilation of immigrant groups in new southern and midwestern gateways and how sociologists measure immigrant assimilation. We document the changing geography of immigrant settlement and review the emerging body of research in this area. We argue that examining immigrant assimilation in these new immigrant gateways is crucial for the development of theories about immigrant assimilation. We also argue that we are likely to see a protracted period of immigrant replenishment that may change the nature of assimilation. Studying this change requires sociologists to use both birth cohort and generation as temporal markers of assimilation.
Since the 1980s, immigrant children and children of immigrant parentage have become the fastest growing and the most extraordinarily diverse segment of America's child population. Until the recent past, however, scholarly attention has focused on adult immigrants to the neglect of their offspring, creating a profound gap between the strategic importance of the new second generation and the knowledge about its socioeconomic circumstances. The purpose of this article is to pull together existing studies that bear directly or indirectly on children's immigrant experiences and adaptational outcomes and to place these studies into a general framework that can facilitate a better understanding of the new second generation. The article first describes the changing trends in the contexts of the reception the new second generation has encountered. The article then discusses the ways in which conventional theoretical perspectives about immigrant adaptation are being challenged and alternative frameworks are being developed. Thirdly, it examines empirical findings from recent research and evaluates their contribution to the sociology of immigration. Finally, it highlights the main conclusions from prior research and their theoretical and practical implications for future studies.
This review addresses key issues in the study of Latino politics. Foremost among these is the question of low voter turnout. Such factors as income, education, nativity, religion, political party, organizational involvement, neighborhood composition, ethnic attachments, and mobilization of Hispanic turnout have a limited impact on Hispanic votes. I suggest that this is due to differences in the political socialization of Latinos and Anglos. The review also shows that immigrants are focused on U.S. politics rather than home-country politics. Additionally, it describes significant differences regarding the factors that shape Hispanic versus Anglo partisanship. Among the other issues considered is the limited significance of ethnic factors, as compared to partisanship and state of residence, in determining electoral and policy preferences.