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. Notai genovesi in oltremare : atti rogati a Laiazzo da Federico di Piazzalunga (1274) e Pietro di Bargone (1277, 1279) / [a cura di] Laura Balletto. series Genova : UniversitaL di Genova, Istituto di medievistica, 1989.
Call#: Van Pelt Library DS51.A93 N68 1989
Call#: Van Pelt Library DS51.A93 N68 1989
BraLtianu, George Ioan, 1898-1953. . Actes des notaires geLnois de PeLra et de Caffa de la fin du treizieL me sieL cle (1281-1290) / publieLs par G.I. BraL tianu. series Bucarest : Cultura NationalaL , 1927.
Call#: Van Pelt Library 382.451 B738.2
Call#: Van Pelt Library 382.451 B738.2
Dursteler, Eric. . Venetians in Constantinople : nation, identity, and coexistence in the early modern Mediterranean / Eric R. Dursteler. 0801883245 (hard cover : alk. paper) series Baltimore, Md. : Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006.
Call#: Van Pelt Library H31 .J6 v.124 pt.2
Call#: Van Pelt Library H31 .J6 v.124 pt.2
Call#: Van Pelt Library HC305 .P58
Podbielski, Gisele. Italy: Development and Crisis in the Post-War Economy. Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1974.
Gisele Podbielski's Italy: Development and Crisis in the Post-War Economy provides a detailed account of the ruins that befell Italy and the policies that contributed to reform. Immediately following WWII, Italy was riddled with economic and political problems. Inflation, high levels of unemployment, dependence on foreign trade and investment, and regional divisions between the North and South were crippling the nation. These short-term "emergency" conditions needed to be alleviated and a long-term plan needed to be instilled, however, the nation was divided politically between the liberal party and their opposing "right-winged" factions. This rift in ideas contributed to a quickened reconstructive period, but not without contributing to inefficient policies and abusive power, especially on behalf of the winning liberal party. According to Podbielski, the failure of the authorities to "provide a sounder basis for a successful operation of both the public and private sectors…has deepened a long standing mistrust of the government…[and] outbursts of social unrest…" (3).
Italy’s post-war situation is crucial to understanding how the Italian neorealist movement first started. Although Divorzio all’Italiana was filmed during the shift away from neorealism, one can still find a neorealist heritage in the movie. Since the war devastated the government’s Cinecittà studios, filmmakers had to film their movies on location, as is observed in Divorzio all'Italiana. Germi greatly captures distinctly Sicilian elements in order to involve the audience in the truly traditional Sicilian society he aims to criticize. Furthermore, the “quick fix” provided by the liberal party to remedy the dire economic conditions was greatly felt in the South. Being a mostly agricultural area, the South benefited little from the reconstruction period, as can be seen by the large division between the lavish elite and the poor proletariat in Agramonte. Neorealism was the first time in twenty years in which filmmakers could really express Italy’s post-war reality. Having the freedom to deal with any topic of choice paved way for filmmakers to provide social commentaries of the Italian society by the 1960s.
Montel, Alberto. “Italy: Recognition of Foreign Annulment and Divorce Decrees.” The American Journal of Comparative Law, Vol. 4, No. 3, (1955), pp. 439-443. 1 April 2008.
Alberto Montel’s article, “Italy: Recognition of Foreign Annulment and Divorce Decrees,” provides background information on the progress of divorce laws and the different types of marriage in Italy. There are two ways in which a marriage was recognized in Italy as of the 1950s. One method was the “civil” marriage, which was solely a legal affair. The jurisdiction concerning the validity of this type of marriage lay within the ordinary civil courts. The other method of recognizing marriage was the “concordat” marriage, which was “performed by a Catholic priest in accordance to canonical law” (440). According to a 1929 law, only the Catholic Church had authority to grant annulments when the marriage was of the “concordat” type. Although in the 1950s “divorce [was] not admitted by the Italian law, Italy [was] under international obligation to execute foreign divorce decrees dissolving marriages contracted by spouses belonging to a country where divorce [was] lawfully accepted” (440). Montel states that because of this “concession,” couples who were dissatisfied with their marriages abused the passive and relaxed sentiments of the court and pursued divorce decrees abroad (441).
“Italy: Recognition of Foreign Annulment and Divorce Decrees” is useful in contributing a detailed account about the different types of marriage, as well as restrictions and concessions to getting a divorce as of 1950 for the audience of Divorzio all’Italiana. From reading this article, the difficulty of obtaining an annulment becomes quite obvious: an unhappy couple either needs the civil courts to proclaim their marriage “invalid,” or for the Vatican to grant them an annulment. The latter situation is quite unlikely as up to the 1970s, the Vatican was strongly against divorce. Fefe Cefalu is therefore left with few options end his marriage with Rosalia and in order to marry Angela. In Divorzio all’Italiana, although the priest played a minor role in the movie, he was able to convey the struggle amongst the people, who were in favor of divorce. The fact that couples were already seeking divorce decrees abroad by the 1950s shows how their were Italian people in favor of having divorce laws. Furthermore, the fact that Italy was recognizing foreign divorce decrees was a sign that the institution of marriage was soon to be weakened by the possibility of divorce and annulments.
belongs to Divorzio all'Italiana (1961) - An Annotated Bibliography project
tagged annulment divorce italy by cgholmia ...on 10-APR-08
tagged annulment divorce italy by cgholmia ...on 10-APR-08
Call#: Van Pelt Library KF535 .R48
Rheinstein, Max. Marriage stability, divorce, and the law. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972.
In Marriage stability, divorce, and the law, Max Rheinstein discusses the status of divorce laws in different countries such as Italy, Japan, the Soviet Union, France, Sweden, and the United States. Regarding Italy, a law allowing the institution of divorce was not passed until December 1, 1970. This law was likely passed due to influence of the League for the Institution of Divorce, one of the first middle-class pressure groups of this type in Italy. There were no official divorces until this law was passed; however, 1950s estimates reveal the number of permanent separations and abandonments to be 600,000. During this time, more than one million “irregular unions” in which either one or both parties were married to people other than their sexual partners existed. According to Rheinstein, “the battle about divorce […] is part of the battle over restructuring Italian society. […] By its intervention, the Vatican has turned divorce into a symbol. If the defense is lost, the church’s traditional power position will be shaken” (192).
Rheinstein’s book is extremely significant in order to understand the situation that Fefe Cefalu was going through, and moreover, the divorce situation in Italy at the time. The movie Divorzio all’Italiana was filmed in 1961, nine years before the institution of divorce was allowed to exist, yet eleven years after the reporting of “irregular marriages.” This means that at that time, the thought of divorce was definitely present, yet suppressed; especially in Sicily, which is known to be a very religious and traditional part of Italy. Furthermore, throughout the mid to late 1960s, there were a series of protests in favor of instituting divorce laws. Films that criticized Italy’s lack of divorce law, such as Divorzio all’Italiana, likely inspired people to protest since the movie reflected the social discontentment at the time. Finally, since the battle for divorce became strongly associated with the Vatican, movies like Divorzio all’Italiana, in which the Italy’s lack of divorce is ridiculed, is in essence undermining the Vatican’s authority in a time in which it is still very powerful.
belongs to Divorzio all'Italiana (1961) - An Annotated Bibliography project
tagged divorce italy by cgholmia ...on 10-APR-08
tagged divorce italy by cgholmia ...on 10-APR-08
Call#: Van Pelt Library DG467 .D84 1994
Call#: Van Pelt Library cat on bib 4043492
Duggan, Christopher. A Concise History of Italy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.
The Republic, a chapter in A Concise History of Italy, serves to understand the time period in which Divorzio all’Italiana was filmed. In the 1960s, Italy was caught between an economic miracle and the rise of social protests. However, this miracle was not achieved without severe costs – the South was “left almost untouched,” and the gap between the two halves of the peninsula widened (264). Duggan states that part of the problem for why the South benefited so little from the attempts at industrialization was due to the “corrupt character of much of the Southern society” (269). Economic modernization is many times accompanied with social unrest. The Church helped the government by denouncing modern culture, and waging a propaganda war against the left. The Church’s influence in politics was soon to end. John XXIII’s death in 1963 “marked the start of a profound reappraisal of the Church’s character and role in society […] and the Vatican looked to distance itself from party politics”(266). Finally, revolts in the late 1960s “were the judgment of a generation on the Republic and specifically on the failure of politicians to meet the needs and expectations of a society that had undergone such rapid changes in the preceding decade” (269). According to Duggan, these represented a critique of the whole of Italian society and its values.
Understanding Italy in the 1960s is crucial for understanding the backdrop of in which Pietro Germi’s Divorzio all’Italiana was filmed. Characteristics of the poor, agricultural and corrupt South are observed in the movie. The Cefalu family is a rich, traditional Sicilian family, and when the main character, Baron Fefè Cefalu, first introduces himself, he makes the distinction between his family’s social class and the proletariat quite obvious. Fefè also points out who is who in Agramonte: he alludes to the fact that his father was corrupt and squandered money, and he introduces Don Ciccilo Matara, the head of the mafia, as well as the priest and some members of the Gentleman’s club. Furthermore, the audience notices at once how the Sicilian society circles around the church. Throughout the movies, we listen to snippets of sermons in which not only are the leftist parties denounced, but Fellini's La Dolce Vita is criticized as well. Lastly, Germi was among the first directors to voice the desires and struggles of the public through film. By making a comedy centered on the fact that divorce is not yet allowed in Italy, Germi truly offered a critique of traditional Italian society in Divorzio all’Italiana.
belongs to Divorzio all'Italiana (1961) - An Annotated Bibliography project
tagged history italy by cgholmia ...on 10-APR-08
tagged history italy by cgholmia ...on 10-APR-08
Fellini uses a recollection of his youth in his film, Amarcord in order to critique the indifferent attitudes of Italians, while fascism come to power. Many filmmakers of his generation tackled the fascist agenda in their films, but Fellini discussed fascism in a revolutionary way. He focused on the apathy of average Italians in Amarcord, and their apathy can be attributed to fascisms absurdity in Italy.
tagged absurdity amarcord apathy fascism federico fellini film filmmakers generation indifference italy
by lorenyu
...on 10-APR-08
Bosworth, R. J. B. . Mussolini's Italy : life under the dictatorship, 1915-1945 / R.J.B. Bosworth. 1st American ed. 1594200785 series New York : Penguin Books, 2006.
Call#: Van Pelt Library DG571 .B715 2006
Call#: Van Pelt Library DG571 .B715 2006
R.J.B. Bosworth’s chapter “Placing Italy in Europe” discusses the involvement of Italy’s fascist regime with its youth. Italy treasured every victory and death of an enemy and threw a parade for each. The parades were substantial events that were open for all Italians to attend. The parades were frequent and were meant to conjure up a militant, nationalistic pride in one’s country. However, most children did not see them in this way. One man who attended the parades as a young boy actually used the parades as a time to dream of sexual desires. These parades were hardly successful in their intentions. The fascist regime also attempted to influence the youth by establishing relationships between play and war. They marketed toy guns that were exact replicas of the real ones and felt that this would encourage militant desires. Schools taught children in a “fascist manner”, however children were hardly disciplined and most Italians raised their children with warmth tolerance. Most efforts were insignificant and failed to directly relate with children. In a sense, many of the fascist ideas on raising children were absurd. The amount of parading that occurred was overworked and tiresome, and this made each successive parade less and less significant.
The film Amarcord uses humor to bring out the absurdity of Italian fascism. To Italians, fascism was hardly a matter to be taken seriously. They were disinterested and unconcerned when the fascist regime gained power, because they did not think it could become much of an influence on their lives. Certainly, the fascist regime’s use of parades and toy guns as a way to inspire militant sensations was absurd.
The film Amarcord uses humor to bring out the absurdity of Italian fascism. To Italians, fascism was hardly a matter to be taken seriously. They were disinterested and unconcerned when the fascist regime gained power, because they did not think it could become much of an influence on their lives. Certainly, the fascist regime’s use of parades and toy guns as a way to inspire militant sensations was absurd.
belongs to Fellini's Amarcord and Fascism in Italy project
tagged absurdity fascism italy upbringing youth by lorenyu ...and 1 other person ...on 10-APR-08
tagged absurdity fascism italy upbringing youth by lorenyu ...and 1 other person ...on 10-APR-08
Tannenbaum, Edward R. . Fascist experience; Italian society and culture, 1922-1945 [by] Edward R. Tannenbaum. 0465068774 series New York, Basic Books [1972]
Call#: Van Pelt Library DG450 .T36
Edward Tannenbuam’s chapter titled “Fascist Socialization and Conformity” discusses the way in which Italians were conformed into fascist ideals around the 1920’s and 30’s. Italian youths were the first to be subject to a a form of socialization into a fascist society. They were placed in organizations and programs, similar to boys and girls scouts. The groups were not meant to be political and the rules of the groups were similar to most codes of conduct: don’t smoke, don’t gamble, don’t drink, be honest, etc. They were required to take an oath, that Tannenbaum calls as inoffensive as the American pledge of allegiance. One of their rules requires the “scouts” to stop or prevent anyone from speaking against fascism, however this rule was never enforced. In fact, most of these groups were quite loose in their regulations. Equally, Italian youths were not interested in most of these groups. Some programs provided military training. Most youths skipped their courses and viewed it as an intrusion. As Tannenbaum puts it: “...most eighteen to twenty-year-old Italian males still preferred...to view themselves as lovers rather than fighters” (125). A small minority of students were opposed to their country’s actions, and very few of them were actually rebellious. The rest of them were neither rebellious or conformist, and only tried to adapt to fascism, as long as it contributed to their well-being. Tannenbaum decides that most students were more concerned about girls and sports, rather than politics. Only the youngest children enjoyed the fascist programs, but only because they were too young to understand it and were interested only in doing what their peers did. In rural areas, fascism failed to be an influence at all. The fascist regime also created leisure activities for adults, with organizations like the Dopolavoro. The Dopolavoro was described as being “...popular without being very Fascist” (139). In fact, organizations like the Dopolavoro avoided politics altogether, with the exception of censoring certain forms of media at their centers. Most Italians felt that life under the fascist regime was normal and they did what was needed to conform, but this was done out of opportunism rather than fear or commitment. Most Italians joined the party to improve their image and professionalism and parents pushed children into conforming, so as to safeguard their future careers. Insubordination was rare. Small towns were easiest to conform, because most of the well respected citizens were already members. Interestingly, the less educated were less likely to conform because the simply did not understand what conformity would accomplish.
Several themes in this chapter were covered by Federico Fellini’s film Amarcord. The film portrays the carefree life of a boy in a small town of Italy. Those living in this small town are conformist, self-involved, and probably do not support the ideals of fascism, but live under its shadow without question. These characters are politically unconcerned as long as their personal lives are satisfactory. They do not see fascism to be a serious threat to their livelihood, and thus ignore it. Tannenbaum also cites a general, care-free attitude amongst Italians. Fellini himself lived some of the history that Tannebaum tells, as he was brought up in in a small town during the 1920’s and 30’s. The film is likely a retelling of Fellini’s own childhood, and as evidenced by Tannenbaum’s book, these are sentiments shared by many Italians of Fellini’s generation.
Call#: Van Pelt Library DG450 .T36
Edward Tannenbuam’s chapter titled “Fascist Socialization and Conformity” discusses the way in which Italians were conformed into fascist ideals around the 1920’s and 30’s. Italian youths were the first to be subject to a a form of socialization into a fascist society. They were placed in organizations and programs, similar to boys and girls scouts. The groups were not meant to be political and the rules of the groups were similar to most codes of conduct: don’t smoke, don’t gamble, don’t drink, be honest, etc. They were required to take an oath, that Tannenbaum calls as inoffensive as the American pledge of allegiance. One of their rules requires the “scouts” to stop or prevent anyone from speaking against fascism, however this rule was never enforced. In fact, most of these groups were quite loose in their regulations. Equally, Italian youths were not interested in most of these groups. Some programs provided military training. Most youths skipped their courses and viewed it as an intrusion. As Tannenbaum puts it: “...most eighteen to twenty-year-old Italian males still preferred...to view themselves as lovers rather than fighters” (125). A small minority of students were opposed to their country’s actions, and very few of them were actually rebellious. The rest of them were neither rebellious or conformist, and only tried to adapt to fascism, as long as it contributed to their well-being. Tannenbaum decides that most students were more concerned about girls and sports, rather than politics. Only the youngest children enjoyed the fascist programs, but only because they were too young to understand it and were interested only in doing what their peers did. In rural areas, fascism failed to be an influence at all. The fascist regime also created leisure activities for adults, with organizations like the Dopolavoro. The Dopolavoro was described as being “...popular without being very Fascist” (139). In fact, organizations like the Dopolavoro avoided politics altogether, with the exception of censoring certain forms of media at their centers. Most Italians felt that life under the fascist regime was normal and they did what was needed to conform, but this was done out of opportunism rather than fear or commitment. Most Italians joined the party to improve their image and professionalism and parents pushed children into conforming, so as to safeguard their future careers. Insubordination was rare. Small towns were easiest to conform, because most of the well respected citizens were already members. Interestingly, the less educated were less likely to conform because the simply did not understand what conformity would accomplish.
Several themes in this chapter were covered by Federico Fellini’s film Amarcord. The film portrays the carefree life of a boy in a small town of Italy. Those living in this small town are conformist, self-involved, and probably do not support the ideals of fascism, but live under its shadow without question. These characters are politically unconcerned as long as their personal lives are satisfactory. They do not see fascism to be a serious threat to their livelihood, and thus ignore it. Tannenbaum also cites a general, care-free attitude amongst Italians. Fellini himself lived some of the history that Tannebaum tells, as he was brought up in in a small town during the 1920’s and 30’s. The film is likely a retelling of Fellini’s own childhood, and as evidenced by Tannenbaum’s book, these are sentiments shared by many Italians of Fellini’s generation.
belongs to Fellini's Amarcord and Fascism in Italy project
tagged activity conformity dopolavoro fascism italy organization youth by lorenyu ...on 10-APR-08
tagged activity conformity dopolavoro fascism italy organization youth by lorenyu ...on 10-APR-08
Wellhofer, Spencer. “Democracy and Fascism: Class, Civil Society, and Rational Choice in Italy.” The American Political Science Review. Vol. 97, No. 1, Feb. 2003, 91-106. JSTOR. American Politicial Science Association. University of Pennslvania Library, Philadelphia. 4 April 2008 <http://www.jstor.org/stable/3118223>
Spencer Wellhofers discussion on the emergence of fascism considers the requirements for fascism to succeed. He examines the ways in which fascism appeared in Italy within four years. Fascism set into Italy in different ways than it did in Germany. Fascists did not have to rely heavily on the support of those in rural areas in Germany, as it is primarily an industrial country. However, in Italy Mussolini had to have the unity of those living on the countryside.
It did not take long for fascists to take power in Italy and the transition appeared easy. Many Italians have conveyed these resentments through various art and media outlets, including film.
Federico Fellini, one of the most well-known Italian filmmakers tackled the issue of fascism by incorporating experiences of his own into his films. Fellini displays fascism as an issue in a small town in Italy, where the citizens are either completely ignorant to fascism’s capability, or they are not interested in it at all and feel that it is hardly a serious threat to their day-to-day living. In small towns, Italians were heavily influenced by the leaders of their communities, and oftentimes it was these leaders and who were pressured into retaining their professionalism by joining the fascist party. (see The Fascist Experience; Italian Society and Culture 1922-1945 by Edward R. Tannenbaum)
Spencer Wellhofers discussion on the emergence of fascism considers the requirements for fascism to succeed. He examines the ways in which fascism appeared in Italy within four years. Fascism set into Italy in different ways than it did in Germany. Fascists did not have to rely heavily on the support of those in rural areas in Germany, as it is primarily an industrial country. However, in Italy Mussolini had to have the unity of those living on the countryside.
It did not take long for fascists to take power in Italy and the transition appeared easy. Many Italians have conveyed these resentments through various art and media outlets, including film.
Federico Fellini, one of the most well-known Italian filmmakers tackled the issue of fascism by incorporating experiences of his own into his films. Fellini displays fascism as an issue in a small town in Italy, where the citizens are either completely ignorant to fascism’s capability, or they are not interested in it at all and feel that it is hardly a serious threat to their day-to-day living. In small towns, Italians were heavily influenced by the leaders of their communities, and oftentimes it was these leaders and who were pressured into retaining their professionalism by joining the fascist party. (see The Fascist Experience; Italian Society and Culture 1922-1945 by Edward R. Tannenbaum)
Wheatcroft, Geoffrey. “Sham and Bluster; An epic history helps explain why the Italians never took fascism entirely seriously.” The Washington Post 9 April 2006. <http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/04/06/AR2006040601748.html>
Geoffrey Wheatcroft picks apart R.J.B. Bosworth’s book Life under the Fascist Dictatorship, 1915-1945 in his article “Sham and Buster; An epic history helps explain why the Italians never took fascism entirely seriously”. In his analysis of the book, he resolves to call Italian fascism something of a farce. In comparison to Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia, totalitarian rule in Italy was laid-back. He credits this to the Italian proclivity towards not taking politics seriously. This tendency makes Italy’s history with fascism almost humorous. Bosworth’s book points out Mussolini’s failures after declaring war on France and England, Italy’s failure to recognize Libya’s vast oil fields after ruling the country for decades and how one fascist leader became one of the first fatalities in the war after his plane was brought down by an Italian anti-aircraft weapon. Hitler once said the Italians never had their hearts in fascism and “the excessive warmth of family relations there overwhelms all the rest.” Wheatcroft regards Italy as a timid, insignificant force in their run-in with fascism.
Geoffrey Wheatcroft has pulled out points from R.J.B. Bosworth’s non-fiction and embellished them with conclusions of his own. His sentiments draw parallels to Federico Fellini’s Amarcord. Fellini’s film uses humor in a way to mock and ridicule fascist ideals. The film was in fact very critical of fascism, whether intentional or not, and the humor plays with fascism’s absurdity. Wheatcroft instead ridicules Italy’s dabble with fascism. Many Italians failed to take fascism too seriously, and in a way, this had to do with the absurdity of it. Wheatcroft also discusses the nonchalant attitude of Italians towards politics. Similarly, Fellini’s film focuses much attention on the everyday, care-free attitudes of a small, isolated community of Italians.
Geoffrey Wheatcroft picks apart R.J.B. Bosworth’s book Life under the Fascist Dictatorship, 1915-1945 in his article “Sham and Buster; An epic history helps explain why the Italians never took fascism entirely seriously”. In his analysis of the book, he resolves to call Italian fascism something of a farce. In comparison to Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia, totalitarian rule in Italy was laid-back. He credits this to the Italian proclivity towards not taking politics seriously. This tendency makes Italy’s history with fascism almost humorous. Bosworth’s book points out Mussolini’s failures after declaring war on France and England, Italy’s failure to recognize Libya’s vast oil fields after ruling the country for decades and how one fascist leader became one of the first fatalities in the war after his plane was brought down by an Italian anti-aircraft weapon. Hitler once said the Italians never had their hearts in fascism and “the excessive warmth of family relations there overwhelms all the rest.” Wheatcroft regards Italy as a timid, insignificant force in their run-in with fascism.
Geoffrey Wheatcroft has pulled out points from R.J.B. Bosworth’s non-fiction and embellished them with conclusions of his own. His sentiments draw parallels to Federico Fellini’s Amarcord. Fellini’s film uses humor in a way to mock and ridicule fascist ideals. The film was in fact very critical of fascism, whether intentional or not, and the humor plays with fascism’s absurdity. Wheatcroft instead ridicules Italy’s dabble with fascism. Many Italians failed to take fascism too seriously, and in a way, this had to do with the absurdity of it. Wheatcroft also discusses the nonchalant attitude of Italians towards politics. Similarly, Fellini’s film focuses much attention on the everyday, care-free attitudes of a small, isolated community of Italians.
belongs to Fellini's Amarcord and Fascism in Italy project
tagged absurdity fascism humor indifference italy mussolini by lorenyu ...on 10-APR-08
tagged absurdity fascism humor indifference italy mussolini by lorenyu ...on 10-APR-08
Cassels, Alan, 1929- . Fascist Italy / Alan Cassels. 2nd ed. 0882958283 (pbk.) series Arlington Heights, Ill. : H. Davidson, c1985.
Call#: Van Pelt Library DG571 .C425 1985
Call#: Van Pelt Library DG571 .C425 1985
In the chapter “In Power” of the book Fascist Italy, Alan Cassels writes on the passive manner in which Italians appeared, throughout the introduction of fascist rule. Several signs point to their apathy. One writer--Ignazio Silone--even wrote a popular work of fiction on the matter at the time, where the hero fails at turning workers and peasants into raising an uprising against the fascists. Cassels describes workers as being unhappy under fascist rule, but states that they posed no real threat. Italians did not expect significant changes in their way of life, and thus resigned to their normal course of life. Their apathetic attitudes of Italians led their country to fascism, though the majority of them were hardly believers in fascism. Cassels mentions a story from the fascist era, where an official visits a factory and learns that the workers are all either communist, socialist or members of smaller parties.
The themes of this chapter can be related to Federico Fellini’s film Amarcord. The film was unique in its telling, in that it follows the everyday lives of Italians who could be best described as being unconcerned with fascism interfering with their government. The characters of the film carry on with their way of life, with hardly a doubt.
The themes of this chapter can be related to Federico Fellini’s film Amarcord. The film was unique in its telling, in that it follows the everyday lives of Italians who could be best described as being unconcerned with fascism interfering with their government. The characters of the film carry on with their way of life, with hardly a doubt.
belongs to Fellini's Amarcord and Fascism in Italy project
tagged apathy fascism italians italy rise by lorenyu ...and 1 other person ...on 10-APR-08
tagged apathy fascism italians italy rise by lorenyu ...and 1 other person ...on 10-APR-08
Hay, James, 1952- .
Popular film culture in Fascist Italy : the passing of the Rex / James Hay. 0253361079 series Bloomington, IN : Indiana University Press, c1987.
Call#: Van Pelt Library PN1993.5.I88 H39 1987
Call#: Van Pelt Library PN1993.5.I88 H39 1987
Call#: Van Pelt Library
Call#: Van Pelt Library--4 East--Temporary Location Annenberg PN1993.5.I88 H39 1987
Call#: Van Pelt Library--4 East--Temporary Location Annenberg PN1993.5.I88 H39 1987
Call#: Van Pelt Library--4 East--Temporary Location Annenberg
Call#: Van Pelt Library PN1993.5.I88 H39 1987
Call#: Van Pelt Library PN1993.5.I88 H39 1987
Call#: Van Pelt Library
Call#: Van Pelt Library--4 East--Temporary Location Annenberg PN1993.5.I88 H39 1987
Call#: Van Pelt Library--4 East--Temporary Location Annenberg PN1993.5.I88 H39 1987
Call#: Van Pelt Library--4 East--Temporary Location Annenberg
Author James Hay introduces his book Popular Film Culture in Fascist Italy: The Passing of the Rex with an extensive analysis of Federico Fellini’s film Amarcord. He uses this particular film, even though he cites many other Italian films that touched on fascism and refers to the reviews of critics, who have called Amarcord “one of the most accurate representations of the essence of Italian Fascism.” He finds that the film was unique in portraying fascism through the close examination of a young boy’s life, without overtly alluding to the repressive ideology, that most films about fascism indulged in. Amarcord--as the title’s meaning in Italian suggests (“I Remember”)--is more or less remembrance of Fellini’s own childhood, where Fellini relates to the young boy and interprets Fascism as he experienced it. Fascism for the boy was no more than: “...his immediate relationships family, schoolfriends, and neighbors...it was simply another “imposition””. Amarcord covers the “institutions” of the boy’s life: the church, the Grand Hotel and the town cinema, which encompass all of his communal and familial connections. These are what Hay calls the town’s “fabric of consensus”, and nothing exists outside of this consensus for the community. Hay finds that the film views fascism at the “most vital” level--the local level, which includes the personal, intimate and communal. Amarcord is a film that touches on fascism through the eyes of a young boy and a small, isolated community in Italy going through radical cultural changes. Hay mentions a growing popularity in films about Italian fascism in the 70’s and argues that Stalin’s death and the Hungarian revolution in the 1950’s led to a rise of film directors who were free to question the authority of fascism. He argues that the cultural changes after Stalin’s death also gave way to interest in popular cinema, rather than auteuristic cinema, which is “aristocratic and authoritative”.
Fellini made Amarcord with his own childhood in mind. The film appears to be an accurate representation of the sentiments at the time, precisely because the filmmaker himself experienced it. Amarcord is told much like a personal memoir and it captures Fellini’s personal distaste for fascism. This film is a very intimate view into the filmmaker’s childhood. It is important to note that the “institutions” of the boy’s life were no more than the workings of opportunistic Italians--most Italians only joined the fascist party in order to maintain their professionalism. Such actions were not driven by an interest in the ideals of fascism. (see The Fascist Experience; Italian Society and Culture 1922-1945 by Edward R. Tannenbaum)
belongs to Fellini's Amarcord and Fascism in Italy project
tagged amarcord fellini insitutions italy by lorenyu ...and 1 other person ...on 10-APR-08
tagged amarcord fellini insitutions italy by lorenyu ...and 1 other person ...on 10-APR-08
Rothstein, Edward. “ Using Farce to Break the Dark Spell of Fascism.” New York Times. 18 Oct 1998, AR28. ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851 - 2004). University of Pennslvania Library, Philadelphia. 4 April 2008 <http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=1&did=116548724&SrchMode=1&sid=10&Fmt=11&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=HNP&TS=1207804019&clientId=3748>
Fascism and humor are conflicting themes. Fascism is not just a serious topic, the word itself implies conformity under a law and it challenges personal liberties. Humor thrives on ridicule, vulnerability and the upending of authority, while turning what is most important into an absurdity. Edward Rothstein discusses the use of humor in the film Life is Beautiful. The film attempts to fight fascism with humor. The main character is a Jewish bookseller persistent in keeping the monstrosity of the Holocaust from his son. He turns the horrors of the time into a game for the boy. This fantasy is possible, in part because the film plays on the innocence of a child. Although humor may be the strongest opposition to fascism, downplaying fascism may also downplay the hardships faced by its victims.
Life is Beautiful can be nightmarish, yet also grotesquely outrageous. At times, the humor of the film outplays the seriousness of the topic, and the concentration camps appear less appalling. However the film manages to properly preserve the main character’s trying efforts in the face of death. Rothstein calls this terror in the company of humor a “death-haunted clowning”. The writer and director of Life is Beautiful, Roberto Benigni, had been largely influenced by Charlie Chaplin’s Great Dictator and Fellini’s Amarcord. Amarcord uses a similar style of the “death-haunted clowning”. He calls it clowing, because fascism is presented theatrically, like a circus, although not in a cheery light. Mr. Benigni relates it to the acts of the Italian clown Toto, whose presence brought laughter, even though he was certainly facing death in his acts.
Amarcord is something of a humorous, yet anti-fascist tale. Like Life is Beautiful, life under fascism is presented so theatrically, that it becomes ridiculous, almost to the point of humor. Although humor and fascism do not go hand in hand, Fellini was articulated humor, in order to take a jab at fascism’s absurdity. Fellini is not someone who holds any respect for fascist ideals, and he finds those ideals so fallacious, that they are comical.
Fascism and humor are conflicting themes. Fascism is not just a serious topic, the word itself implies conformity under a law and it challenges personal liberties. Humor thrives on ridicule, vulnerability and the upending of authority, while turning what is most important into an absurdity. Edward Rothstein discusses the use of humor in the film Life is Beautiful. The film attempts to fight fascism with humor. The main character is a Jewish bookseller persistent in keeping the monstrosity of the Holocaust from his son. He turns the horrors of the time into a game for the boy. This fantasy is possible, in part because the film plays on the innocence of a child. Although humor may be the strongest opposition to fascism, downplaying fascism may also downplay the hardships faced by its victims.
Life is Beautiful can be nightmarish, yet also grotesquely outrageous. At times, the humor of the film outplays the seriousness of the topic, and the concentration camps appear less appalling. However the film manages to properly preserve the main character’s trying efforts in the face of death. Rothstein calls this terror in the company of humor a “death-haunted clowning”. The writer and director of Life is Beautiful, Roberto Benigni, had been largely influenced by Charlie Chaplin’s Great Dictator and Fellini’s Amarcord. Amarcord uses a similar style of the “death-haunted clowning”. He calls it clowing, because fascism is presented theatrically, like a circus, although not in a cheery light. Mr. Benigni relates it to the acts of the Italian clown Toto, whose presence brought laughter, even though he was certainly facing death in his acts.
Amarcord is something of a humorous, yet anti-fascist tale. Like Life is Beautiful, life under fascism is presented so theatrically, that it becomes ridiculous, almost to the point of humor. Although humor and fascism do not go hand in hand, Fellini was articulated humor, in order to take a jab at fascism’s absurdity. Fellini is not someone who holds any respect for fascist ideals, and he finds those ideals so fallacious, that they are comical.
belongs to Fellini's Amarcord and Fascism in Italy project
tagged amarcord fascism fellini film france gestapo italy lacombelucien by lorenyu ...on 10-APR-08
tagged amarcord fascism fellini film france gestapo italy lacombelucien by lorenyu ...on 10-APR-08
Cassels, Alan, 1929- . Fascist Italy / Alan Cassels. 2nd ed. 0882958283 (pbk.) series Arlington Heights, Ill. : H. Davidson, c1985.
Call#: Van Pelt Library DG571 .C425 1985
Call#: Van Pelt Library DG571 .C425 1985
Hay, James, 1952- . Popular film culture in Fascist Italy : the passing of the Rex / James Hay. 0253361079 series Bloomington, IN : Indiana University Press, c1987.
Call#: Van Pelt Library PN1993.5.I88 H39 1987
Call#: Van Pelt Library PN1993.5.I88 H39 1987
Call#: Van Pelt Library
Call#: Van Pelt Library--4 East--Temporary Location Annenberg PN1993.5.I88 H39 1987
Call#: Van Pelt Library--4 East--Temporary Location Annenberg PN1993.5.I88 H39 1987
Call#: Van Pelt Library--4 East--Temporary Location Annenberg
Call#: Van Pelt Library PN1993.5.I88 H39 1987
Call#: Van Pelt Library PN1993.5.I88 H39 1987
Call#: Van Pelt Library
Call#: Van Pelt Library--4 East--Temporary Location Annenberg PN1993.5.I88 H39 1987
Call#: Van Pelt Library--4 East--Temporary Location Annenberg PN1993.5.I88 H39 1987
Call#: Van Pelt Library--4 East--Temporary Location Annenberg
The Italian pharmaceutical trade association, with over 200 associated companies. Site is in Italian.
E Zezi. . E Zezi [sound recording] : Gruppo Operaio = The workers' group.
Call#: Van Pelt Library Ormandy Music and Media Center Lyr. 7426 CD
Call#: Van Pelt Library Ormandy Music and Media Center Lyr. 7426 CD
Collector's choice [sound recording] : from the pioneer collector of authentic folk songs, Alan Lomax. Los Angeles : Tradition : Everest, [1967?]
Call#: Storage/Music: From RECORD page, use Place Request tab Trad./Ev. 2057
Call#: Storage/Music: From RECORD page, use Place Request tab Trad./Ev. 2057
| Donna, donna | |
| Ballo tondo |
Storia d'Italia nel canto popolare : 270 melodie e testi trascritti e elaborati / da Nunzia Manicardi ; prefazione di Gian Paolo Borghi. Sala Bolognese : A.Forni, 1996.
Call#: Van Pelt Library M1748 .S8 1996
Call#: Van Pelt Library M1748 .S8 1996
Canti popolari del Milanese e della sua provincia : fra storia e immagini / Valeriano Castiglioni, Piero Hertel, Ermanno Tunesi. Milano : BMG Ricordi, 2001.
Call#: Van Pelt Library M1750.M5 .C36 2001
Call#: Van Pelt Library M1750.M5 .C36 2001
Sicily [sound recording] Cambridge, MA : Rounder Records, p&c1997.
Call#: Van Pelt Library Ormandy Music and Media Center Roun. 1808 CD
Call#: Van Pelt Library Ormandy Music and Media Center Roun. 1808 CD
Emilia-Romagna [sound recording] / [recordings by Alan Lomax and Diego Carpitella]. Cambridge, Mass. : Rounder, p2001.
Call#: Van Pelt Library Ormandy Music and Media Center Roun. 1804 CD
Call#: Van Pelt Library Ormandy Music and Media Center Roun. 1804 CD
Liguria [sound recording] : polyphony of Ceriana. Cambridge, Mass. : Rounder Records, p2002.
Call#: Van Pelt Library Ormandy Music and Media Center Roun. 1817 CD
Call#: Van Pelt Library Ormandy Music and Media Center Roun. 1817 CD
Liguria [sound recording] : Baiardo and Imperia. Cambridge, Mass. : Rounder Records, p2002.
Call#: Van Pelt Library Ormandy Music and Media Center Roun. 1816 CD
Call#: Van Pelt Library Ormandy Music and Media Center Roun. 1816 CD
Nono, Luigi. . A floresta eÌ jovem e cheja de vida : per soprano, tre voci di attori, clarinetto in siâ™, lastre e nastri magnetici : 1965-1966 / Luigi Nono ; testi a cura di Giovanni Pirelli. Milano : Ricordi, 1998.
Call#: Van Pelt Library Folio M1528.N65 F46 1998
Call#: Van Pelt Library Folio M1528.N65 F46 1998
Centro FLOG. . Tradizioni popolari e ricerca etnomusicale / il Convegno del Centro Flog ; Cesare Bermani ... [et al.] ; a cura di Omar Calabrese e Eliana Pilati. [Firenze] : ARCI-Centro Flog ; Rimini ; Firenze : Guaraldi, c1976.
Call#: Van Pelt Library GR176 .C46 1976
Call#: Van Pelt Library GR176 .C46 1976
belongs to Business Area Studies project
tagged Brazil Italy United_Nations_University World_Institute_for_Development_Economics_Research agricultural_producers business_area_studies development producers'_associations by croninkc ...on 24-MAY-06
tagged Brazil Italy United_Nations_University World_Institute_for_Development_Economics_Research agricultural_producers business_area_studies development producers'_associations by croninkc ...on 24-MAY-06
belongs to Business Area Studies project
tagged Berkeley_Round_Table_on_the_International_Economy Eastern_Europe FDI Foreign_Direct_Investment Globalization Italy Production Textile_Industry business_area_studies by croninkc ...on 13-APR-06
tagged Berkeley_Round_Table_on_the_International_Economy Eastern_Europe FDI Foreign_Direct_Investment Globalization Italy Production Textile_Industry business_area_studies by croninkc ...on 13-APR-06
Zorzi, Alvise. Venice: The Golden Age, 697-1797. Trans. Nicoletta Simborowski and Simon Mackenzie. New York: Abbeville Press, 1980.
Zorzi gives a vivid account of the rise of the Venetian Empire and its eleven-hundred year ‘Golden Age,’ using historical quotations, pictures, diagrams, etc. He traces the history of Venice, from its beginnings as a refuge for Romans, escaping from the barbarians that destroyed their Empire, to its own imperial dominance and mastery of overseas trade. Venice has an almost mythic quality to it, which it why Daphne du Maurier chose to set her short story, Don’t Look Now, in Venice. Zorzi writes of Venice’s beginnings, “Tradition and legend […] surrounds the founding of Venice in a mythology which is almost reminiscent of the Biblical account of the origins of the world” (10). The mysterious quality of the city makes it a perfect setting for Don’t Look Now, which toys with reality and makes us question our historical vision. Zorzi explains that Venice was seen as an “overbearing entity, which aroused hatred suspicion, worry and fear” (7). He describes Venice as an ominous figure, menacing those around it. Roeg captures this negative character of Venice in the film, making the city complicit in the death of John Baxter.
Zorzi explains that the Venetians were “descendants of the Romans that had opted for the freedom of the seas and lagoons rather than bend to the will of barbarian monarchs” (68). Venice is described as a safe-haven, a place for people to escape to (from the crumbling Roman Empire). Don’t Look Now captures this aspect of Venice, because John and Laura are refugees in a way. They are attempting to escape from their pain and sorrow over the death of their daughter by ‘escaping’ to Venice.
Understanding the history of Venice also illuminates certain moments of dialogue in the film. For example, when John says, “The deeper I go, the more Byzantine it gets,” he is referring both to the difficulties that arise as his renovation of the church progresses and the fact that Venice was built by Byzantines (i.e. citizens of the Roman Empire). The devotion of the police officers is also better understood, because, “An extremely strong sense of justice permeates Venetian civilization right from its beginnings” (137)...
Zorzi gives a vivid account of the rise of the Venetian Empire and its eleven-hundred year ‘Golden Age,’ using historical quotations, pictures, diagrams, etc. He traces the history of Venice, from its beginnings as a refuge for Romans, escaping from the barbarians that destroyed their Empire, to its own imperial dominance and mastery of overseas trade. Venice has an almost mythic quality to it, which it why Daphne du Maurier chose to set her short story, Don’t Look Now, in Venice. Zorzi writes of Venice’s beginnings, “Tradition and legend […] surrounds the founding of Venice in a mythology which is almost reminiscent of the Biblical account of the origins of the world” (10). The mysterious quality of the city makes it a perfect setting for Don’t Look Now, which toys with reality and makes us question our historical vision. Zorzi explains that Venice was seen as an “overbearing entity, which aroused hatred suspicion, worry and fear” (7). He describes Venice as an ominous figure, menacing those around it. Roeg captures this negative character of Venice in the film, making the city complicit in the death of John Baxter.
Zorzi explains that the Venetians were “descendants of the Romans that had opted for the freedom of the seas and lagoons rather than bend to the will of barbarian monarchs” (68). Venice is described as a safe-haven, a place for people to escape to (from the crumbling Roman Empire). Don’t Look Now captures this aspect of Venice, because John and Laura are refugees in a way. They are attempting to escape from their pain and sorrow over the death of their daughter by ‘escaping’ to Venice.
Understanding the history of Venice also illuminates certain moments of dialogue in the film. For example, when John says, “The deeper I go, the more Byzantine it gets,” he is referring both to the difficulties that arise as his renovation of the church progresses and the fact that Venice was built by Byzantines (i.e. citizens of the Roman Empire). The devotion of the police officers is also better understood, because, “An extremely strong sense of justice permeates Venetian civilization right from its beginnings” (137)...
belongs to Don't Look Now (1973) project
tagged Italy Romans Venice city_state history islands lagoon merchant_fleet trade by dhm ...on 06-APR-06
tagged Italy Romans Venice city_state history islands lagoon merchant_fleet trade by dhm ...on 06-APR-06