The Big Commute, in Reverse
By FORD FESSENDEN
ON most days, Matthew Davis, a 28-year-old portfolio manager, can count on spending about two hours getting to work and another two hours getting home. That's going against the tide of commuters going into New York City for work. Mr. Davis, who rented an apartment in Park Slope in Brooklyn when he landed a job in the securities industry in New York, found himself not on Wall Street, but in Ronkonkoma, working for a financial services management company.
He starts his morning with a stop for tea and a bagel at his neighborhood delicatessen, and walks 30 minutes or takes the subway to the Flatbush Avenue terminal of the Long Island Rail Road. In Jamaica, Queens, he changes trains and settles in for a 60-minute ride to his company's office near MacArthur Airport, deep in Suffolk County. There, he keeps a car for the last leg of the commute, a total of two hours each way. "Usually, until I get to Mineola, I have to stand, but then I find a seat and read the paper," he said. "I tried to find an apartment closer to work, but after 20 minutes of driving, I still wasn't anyplace that was close to anything. I really like living in the city."
Mr. Davis is among the some 300,000 people who live in New York City and make their way to jobs in the suburbs every day, part of a fast-growing segment of the work force that has turned the traditional idea of bedroom communities on its head. The group includes young workers in high-skilled professions, as well as tens of thousands of others up and down the income spectrum who prefer city living or cannot afford the suburban dream.
By Elisa Crouch
ST. LOUIS POST-DISPATCH
02/18/2008
Traffic in the St. Louis area has plateaued this decade, ending years of fast growth that fueled demand for more and wider roads.
A recent analysis by East-West Gateway Council of Governments shows traffic growth in the eight-county region slowed to an average annual rate of less than 1 percent between 2000 and 2006.
That's down from 2.3 percent average growth in the 1990s, and 4.3 percent growth in the 1980s.
The reasons behind the phenomenon have to do with the area's demographics: The region's population is aging, households are getting smaller and the percentage of women in the work force has stabilized. The price of gasoline had little, if any, effect on traffic, the analysis shows.
NYC Car Commuters Are Wealthier and Cops All Drive to Work
Motorists are "twice as likely as other congestion zone commuters to hold government jobs" -- 19.5 percent versus 10.3 percent. About a quarter of these government motor vehicle users work in the police or fire departments. "Indeed, very few congestion zone commuters in these occupations took other forms of transportation," according to IBO. Educators represented another one-fourth of government employee car commuters, "although many other educators used alternative transportation."
Grrridlock
TRAFFIC, apparently, hits a nerve.
In the wake of Mayor Bloomberg’s proposal to calm Manhattan traffic through a plan called congestion pricing, the City section asked its readers to offer their own solutions for easing the borough’s traffic woes.
More than a hundred responded, proposing ideas ranging from the wonky to the off-the-wall. Ban cabs. Ban private cars. Close streets. Add lanes.
Here are 20 of their suggestions, with assessments by two local experts on traffic: Jeffrey Zupan, a senior fellow for transportation at the Regional Plan Association in New York, and John Falcocchio, a professor of transportation planning at Polytechnic University in Downtown Brooklyn.
Although Mr. Zupan’s group supports the mayor’s plan, and Dr. Falcocchio argues that congestion pricing should be used only as a last resort, both experts said they were impressed over all by the suggestions. “The readers did very well,” Mr. Zupan said. “They also generated some thinking on my part.”
Abstract
The derived nature of transportation demand implies that enhancement of mobility per se is not a reasonable goal for transportation policy; instead, improved mobility is desired to the extent that it furthers accessibility—a goal that can be achieved through a variety of measures. The paper uses the mobility–accessibility distinction to distinguish different implementations of congestion pricing. A mobility-based congestion pricing promises to alleviate congestion but threatens to deteriorate from overall regional accessibility as it accelerates metropolitan deconcentration. In contrast, accessibility-based congestion pricing avoids acceleration of sprawl by incorporating policies to ensure that drivers tolled off roads are replaced with residents and travelers arriving at previously congested areas by other means.
| Article title | Job/Housing Imbalance and Commuting Time in the Atlanta Metropolitan Area: Exploration of Causes of Longer Commuting Time | ||
| Author | Sultana, S. | ||
| Journal title | URBAN GEOGRAPHY | ||
| Bibliographic details | 2002, VOL 23; PART 8, pages 728-749 | ||
Call#: HT101 .U683
Through estimation of a discrete choice model of residential location, this study argues that commute time remains a dominant determinant of residential location at the regional scale, and that provision of affordable housing near employment concentrations can influence residential location decisions for low-to-moderate-income, single-worker households. However, the significance of jobs-hunting balance is not in reducing congestion; even when successful, such policies will have little impact on average travel speeds. Rather, the relaxation of suburban regulation that could lead to improved matches between home and workplace is seen as enhancing the range of households' choices about residence and transportation.
Journal The Annals of Regional Science
Issue Volume 41, Number 2 / June, 2007
Mark W. Horner
Abstract Issues of growth, especially the spatial nature of recent urban development and its implications for travel patterns, have received a great deal of attention. In particular, questions persist as to how the spatial distribution of workers and jobs influences commute patterns. This paper investigates changes in commuting and land use patterns using measures of jobs-housing balance, commuting efficiency and other statistics. A smaller urban area is chosen for study (Tallahassee, FL, USA)and data on its workers, jobs, and commute patterns are obtained from the Census Transportation Planning Package for 1990 and 2000. The key research questions investigated probe whether there were substantial changes in urban form and commuting over the period. A two-tiered approach is taken where change is explored at the regional and local scales using GIS, optimization procedures, and inferential statistical techniques. The results reveal the extent of the spatial changes in the study area between 1990 and 2000. Major findings included stability in urban structure over the time period, as well as a persistent strong relationship between land use and commute patterns. These results are discussed in light of their implications for other cities and for future work.
Study: Americans Commute an Average 25 Minutes
Morning Edition, October 12, 2007 · A new study shows the average American commutes an average of 25 minutes. That's almost nine full days a year behind the wheel. Commutes have worsened over the last two decades because highways haven't kept pace with population growth and urban sprawl. If you work in New York City, your average commute is the worst in the country: almost 36 minutes long. For the nation's easiest commutes, you have to turn to the colder climes of Omaha and Buffalo.
As commutes begin earlier, new daily routines emerge
By Larry Copeland, Haya El Nasser and Paul Overberg, USA TODAY
SMYRNA, Ga. - Harold Shaw leaves his home in suburban Atlanta at 5:30 a.m. to drive the 34 miles to his job at a fiber-optics cable plant. He gets there early enough to eat breakfast and read the newspaper.
"The traffic is not as busy this time of day," Shaw, 60, says after whipping into a QuikTrip store Monday to use the ATM and get a drink. "It's not as stressful if you don't have to deal with a lot of congestion."
But Shaw's reliable pre-dawn commute forces sacrifices in his personal life. He used to turn in after catching the first few minutes of the 11 o'clock news. He'd walk or jog in the mornings. Now, he goes to bed at 9 p.m. and rolls out at 4:30 a.m. "If I leave home after 6 and there's an accident," he says, "I'm late for work."
Americans are leaving home earlier and earlier to beat the rush and get to work on time. Census data released today document the ever-lengthening commutes: In 2000, 1 worker in 9 was out the door by 6 a.m., the new data says; by 2006, it was 1 in 8. That might not seem like a big change, but it has put more than 2.7 million additional drivers - for a total of 15 million - on pre-dawn patrol.
...
Part of "commuting creep," of course, stems from the USA's booming population. The nation reached 300 million last fall and is on pace to hit 400 million by 2040.
As housing prices soared in many areas in recent years, people sought cheaper homes and found them where land is cheaper: farther out. Sprawl and more cars on the road worsened congestion and lengthened commutes even for those who hadn't moved to far-flung locales.
In addition, more companies are allowing — even encouraging — employees to work flexible hours, from 6 a.m. to 3 p.m., for example. That expands heavy traffic to once-light periods of the day.
The road warriors of the wee hours aren't all commuters. Pisarski says some travel surveys have found that up to 40% of early-morning drivers aren't commuters. They're students, people doing things associated with work such as picking up laundry, retirees running errands and others.
September 30, 2006
More Players Are Taking the Train to the Game
By MICHAEL S. SCHMIDT
An hour and a half after the Yankees beat the Tampa Bay Devil Rays on a muggy night this season, three players stood sweating on the underground platform at the 161st Street and River Avenue subway station in the Bronx. They were waiting for the B train.


