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Deciding what form an economic development organization should take is a relatively new problem. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, may have been the first city to establish a nonprofit corporation concerned with the economic development of the entire city. Many cities now look to Philadelphia as a model. Organizations for economic development take a wide variety of forms. Some have a very close relationship with the city government, while others are governed by boards completely composed of private-sector representatives. The city of St. Paul, Minnesota, believes that economic development can best be accomplished by an agency as an integral part of city government. St. Paul has accomplished a number of projects because its city departments are working cooperatively and are fully aware of the city's total economic, housing, commercial, and recreation needs. Philadelphia's separate corporation, on the other hand, has found ways to create and retain jobs and improve the city's tax base.
Call#: Van Pelt Library HM101 .G565 1995
DOI: 10.1177/0725513698054000004
© 1998 Thesis Eleven Pty, Ltd., SAGE Publications
On Glocalization: or Globalization for some, Localization for some Others
Zygmunt Bauman
Globalization cuts both ways. Not only does it valorize the local in a cultural sense, it constructs the local as the tribal. Processes of geopolitical fragmentation give those in power even more room to manoeuvre. Glocalization involves the reallocation of poverty and stigma from above without even the residual responsibility of noblesse oblige. Geographical and social mobility are dichotomized; populations are refigured as tourists and vagabonds. Globalization thus reinforces already existing patterns of domination, while globalization indicates trends to dispersal and conflict on neo-traditional grounds. The privileged walk, or fly away; the others take revenge upon each other.
Key Words: fragmentation • globalization • glocalization • nation state • tribalization
Abstract
There is evidence that the politics of economic development in the post-industrial city is increasingly bound up with the ability of urban elites to manage ecological impacts and environmental demands emanating from within and outside the urban area. More than simply a question of promoting quality of life in cities in response to interurban competition and pressures from local residents, the greening of the urban growth machine reflects changes in state rules and incentives structuring urban governance as part of an evolving geopolitics of nature and the environment. The adoption of principles and practices of ecological modernization potentially represents a dramatic shift in the social regulation of urban governance away from unconstrained neoliberalized modes. In this article we explore how different demands on and for urban environmental policy have played out vis-à-vis changing modes and practices of governance in two English post-industrial cities. We explore differences in the ways that entrepreneurial urban regimes have sought to incorporate the green agenda (Leeds), or insulate themselves from ecological dissent (Manchester). We further attempt to conceptualize evolving urban economy-environment relations in the UK in terms of an ensemble of governance practices, strategies, alliances and discourses that enables the local state to manage, though not necessarily resolve, seemingly conflicting economic, social and environmental demands at different scales of territoriality. Here we propose the notion of an 'urban sustainability fix' to describe the selective incorporation of ecological objectives in local territorial structures during an era of ecological modernization.
Heynen N, 2006,
Abstract. This research uses a Marxist urban political ecology framework to link processes of urban environmental metabolization explicitly to the consumption fund of the built environment. Instead of reinventing the wheel, I argue in this paper that Marxist notions of metabolism are ideal for investigating urban environmental change and the production of uneven urban environments. In so doing, I argue that despite the embeddedness of Harvey's circuits of capital within urban political economy, these connected notions still have a great deal to offer regarding better understanding relations between consumption and metabolization of urban environments. From this theoretical perspective, I investigate urban socionatural metabolization as a function of the broader socioeconomic processes related to urban restructuring within the USA between 1962 and 1993 in the Indianapolis inner-city urban forest. The research examines the relations between changes in household income and changes in urban forest canopy cover. The results of the research indicate that there was a significant decline over time in the Indianapolis urban forest canopy and that median household was related to these changes, thus demonstrating a concrete example of urban environmental metabolization.
Abstract
This article addresses the question as to why, in contrast to national governments, city administrations engage so enthusiastically with urban environmental problems. It argues that the politics of urban environmentalism need to be examined not from the point of view of ecological rationality and alternative politics, but as an integral part of spatial transformation and social regulation under neoliberal urbanization. Recent contributions to theoretical debate on this issue are examined, with especial attention paid to the themes of governance, citizenship, subjectivity and ‘regulation of the self’, and their relevance to the understanding of contemporary urban environmental policy and management practices. The article explores the way in which urban environmental management can be understood as contributing to the constitution of the self-governing citizen in the individualized urban milieu of contemporary cities, a process in which the progressive and libertarian aspirations of much early environmental thought have been subtly converted into a new form of subjection to the strategic requirements and political conveniences of neoliberal city administrations.
Abstract
Sustainable consumption is gaining in currency as a new environmental policy objective. This paper presents new research findings from a mixed-method empirical study of a local organic food network to interrogate the theories of both sustainable consumption and ecological citizenship. It describes a mainstream policy model of sustainable consumption, and contrasts this with an alternative model derived from green or ‘new economics’ theories. Then the role of localised, organic food networks is discussed to locate them within the alternative model. It then tests the hypothesis that ecological citizenship is a driving force for ‘alternative’ sustainable consumption, via expression through consumer behaviour such as purchasing local organic food. The empirical study found that both the organisation and their consumers were expressing ecological citizenship values in their activities in a number of clearly identifiable ways, and that the initiative was actively promoting the growth of ecological citizenship, as well as providing a meaningful social context for its expression. Furthermore, the initiative was able to overcome the structural limitations of mainstream sustainable consumption practices. Thus, the initiative was found to be a valuable tool for practising alternative sustainable consumption. The paper concludes with a discussion of how ecological citizenship may be a powerful motivating force for sustainable consumption behaviour, and the policy and research implications of this.
Abstract
Sustainable consumption is gaining currency as a new environmental policy objective, but there is a limit to the changes in consumption behaviour that individuals can make within current socio-economic frameworks. The 'new economics' literature argues that sustainable consumption is characterized by five factors: localization, reducing ecological footprints, community-building, collective action, and building new social institutions. These form a set of indicators for the evaluation of initiatives and policies. Community currencies have been put forward as a new tool to promote sustainable consumption, but until now there has been no appraisal of their ability to deliver this goal. Three different community currency types are described, and their effectiveness and potential in enabling more sustainable consumption patterns are assessed against this set of indicators. The currencies examined are: Local Exchange Trading Schemes (LETS), which aim to rebuild local economies through cashless exchange; Time Banks promoting volunteering, civic engagement and mutual self-help by rewarding unpaid work in the community; and the previously unresearched NU card, a 'green loyalty point' currency that incentivizes sustainable consumption. The findings of this preliminary analysis indicate that while they all represent nascent social institutions based on different sets of values to the mainstream, each model of community currency successfully achieves some, but not all, of the criteria for sustainable consumption. However, the currencies are complementary and between them each of the indicators is met. The policy and research implications of the study are discussed.
Postmodern explanations of consumer behaviour stress social and psychological factors to the neglect of explanations based on structural issues such as the working life conditions which favour a work-and-spend lifestyle, the conditions of urban living or the effects of pervasive marketing. This paper argues that consumers may not be so keen and willing but are rather locked-in by circumstances. Some of these circumstances are deliberately created by other interests, and a policy to limit consumption must look for adequate means over a large and varied field. In the end shorter working hours may be an important key to a more sustainable future.
abstract
This article reviews recent research into alternative systems of food provision. It considers, first, what the concept of`alternativeness' might mean, based on recent discussions in economic geography. Informed by this, it discusses food relocalization and the turn to `quality' food production, arguing that both are `weaker' alternative systems of food provision because of their emphasis on food. It then examines some `stronger' alternative systems of food provision, which emphasize the networks through which food passes. Lastly, the paper reflects on the concept of alternativeness in the context of food supply chains, and suggests some possible directions for future research.
Costly Program for Rural Businesses Yields Dubious Results
By Gilbert M. Gaul
Washington Post Staff Writer
Wednesday, December 5, 2007; A01
Under a program to create jobs in rural America, the U.S. Department of Agriculture guaranteed $1.6 million in loans to Aztec Environmental Inc., an asbestos-removal company in Panama City, Fla.
Aztec did create jobs -- for hundreds of workers from Guatemala. "Locals didn't want the work," said Debbie Livingston, one of the owners.
Three years later, in February, Aztec went out of business after a federal investigation into allegations of environmental abuses and the hiring of illegal immigrants. Now, the USDA could lose hundreds of thousands of dollars on the loan.
The black church has been at the forefront of black leadership and social protest in America. In fact, Abyssinian Baptist Church was founded out of protest.
A video with Rev. Calvin Butts. The conversation discusses the change from efforts focusing on protest to community and economic development within the Abyssinian Baptist Church.