Outlines what the new Record Use Policy will include: 

"We intend to use a different approach for the new policy. A few things to note about the new policy:

* It will be a code of good practices for members of a cooperative based on shared values, trust and reciprocity in understanding rights and responsibilities, not a legally enforceable policy for members
* The Policy will focus on member rights and responsibilities instead of detailed provisions or restrictions with the general aim to foster innovation in our ever-changing information landscape
* Members can transfer their data to other libraries, cultural and scientific institutions and/or to their agents acting on their behalf
* There will be a separate legally enforceable policy for third parties and their commercial use
* The Policy will focus on the WorldCat database as a whole and its value to members in visibility of holdings, in support for resource sharing and other services without using the distinction between original cataloging and WorldCat derived records, or the ownership of individual records as the focus"

The Rutgers Center for Green Building promotes green building through research, education and training, and partnerships with industry, government and not-for-profit agencies.

Call#: Van Pelt Library DA566.7 .A18

"The Confidential Print comprises diplomatic dispatches and other papers that, with dates varying from country to country but in general beginning in the 1850s, were printed for limited circulation within the British government. They went to the queen or king, were sent to important embassies abroad, or were circulated to other major departments of government. As its name indicates, the Confidential Print was not available to the public because it included sensitive information."A list of series with brief descriptions is available, but run a title search in Franklin for: British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office Confidential Print to identify locations.

Citation: Majoras, Deborah Platt. “Rights and Responsibility: Protecting Children in a Web 2.0 World.”  Keynote Address at Family Online Safety Institute.  6 December 2007.  Federal Trade Commission. 6 April 2009. http://ftc.gov/speeches/majoras/071206fosi.pdf.

             This document is the copy of a speech made by the Chairman of the Federal Trade Commission describing methods used to protect children from dangers lurking online, including harmful content, cyber bullying, and privacy invasion.  After describing the media use of children and some of the dangers they face online, Majoras summarizes the law enforcement efforts the FTC has taken to prevent exposure to harmful content.  The laws the FTC works to enforce have provisions including requiring adult content to be notified as such in the e-mail tagline and preventing websites from asking children too much personal information.  Majoras then describes the FTC’s push and efforts to educate and empower parents and children to stay safe.  These efforts are viewed by the FTC as important because first amendment restrictions will prevent the government from being able to completely restrict dangerous content themselves.  Marjoras also said that it is important for companies to self-regulate content.  Majoras concludes by stating that a multidisciplinary approach is needed in solving this problem.

             This article is important in the broader context of regulating Internet content for children, because the FTC is a major governmental organization involved in the issue.  A governmental organization believing that education and self-regulation needs to supplement governmental regulation enhances the importance of education and self-regulation, which could be seen as an alternative to the government.  This article gives good specifics about the role of the FTC in law-enforcement and education, and describes different features of education programs and self-regulating devices; those details could be useful for figuring out the absolute best way to determine how to protect children.  Although this article was written by someone in the Bush administration, it is likely that the opinions of Obama’s FTC workers are not too different; protecting children from harmful content on the Internet is a bipartisan issue.

Citation: Jordan, Amy. "Children's Media Policy." Children and Electronic Media. Volume 18 No. 1. Spring 2008. 235-355. Annenberg Public Policy Center. 5 April 2009. http://www.futureofchildren.org/usr_doc/18_10_Jordan.pdf.

Jordan’s article gives an overview of how media policy concerning children is developed and shaped, and what is and is not effective about it.  The article begins by discussing how events and public opinion changes can motivate the government to enact policies protecting children, and how outside groups influence these policies. It outlines how the three branches of government work together to shape these policies, and what the role of the FCC and the FTC are in enforcing the laws. The article then describes motivations by media industries to self-regulate content, types of self-regulation, and how self-regulation and government regulation interact with each other. While a combination of legislation and self-regulation seems to be the inevitable and most logical way to regulate new media, according to Jordan, she thinks these actions are still largely ineffective; they are not enacted properly, little is known about media habits and production of material online is becoming increasingly decentralized.
 
 While much of the article discusses policies relating to media other than the Internet, the article is useful as an overview of the formation process for children’s media policy, especially because it contains useful charts. The similarities and differences between the Internet and older forms of media are important to note in order to figure out what types of regulations used on other forms of media could and could not be applicable to the Internet.  For example, ratings systems akin to the ones established for television shows and video games would likely not be a good way to regulate Internet content. So many websites are created on a regular basis that it would be impossible to assign ratings to all of them. This article supports my thesis because it describes issues relating to the regulation of Internet Service Providers. Jordan believes that the Internet cannot be fully regulated by the government because Congress and the courts treat ISPs like common carriers rather than media outlets. Perhaps it also provides a counterargument to my thesis, however, because the author does not think that self-regulation is necessarily effective.

Citation: Etzioni, Amitai.  “On Protecting Children from Speech.” Chicago-Kent Law Review. 2004: 3-53. Google Scholar. 5 April 2009. http://lawreview.kentlaw.edu/articles/79-1/Etzioni.pdf

            This article discusses and analyses the issues concerning children’s rights to free speech.  According to the author, past court cases care more about how restricting access for children would inadvertently affect adults than they do about how there is a compelling state interest to protect children from harmful speech.  To remedy this, Etzoini thinks Internet access for children and adults should become separate.  Where it is not possible to make a separation, government regulation is needed, because voluntary measures, such as parents choosing to purchase filtering softwares, are generally ineffective.  A review of research studies concludes children can be harmed by viewing objectionable media content, although this has been more definitely proven for violent content than for pornography.  Etzoini also says that as children get older, they should have greater free speech rights, and should have their content restricted less.

            The article provides a counterargument to some of the other documents published concerning how children can be protected from harmful content on the Internet. The Supreme Court cases concerning section 223 of the CDA and COPA were struck down in part because it was believed that there was truly no way for to restrict content for children without also inadvertently restricting it for adults.  Etzioni, however, believes there may be ways to separate Internet access based on age. Additionally, this article differs from the arguments made by Thierer, because it  favors governmental regulation of content over self-regulation. Etizoni’s reason for the ineffectiveness of voluntary regulation does however relate to a concept Thierer discusses – that of self efficacy.  If people’s motivation to filter the Internet content of minors, self-regulation could potentially work. The problem right now is that efficacy is too low for people to want to take an initiative and regulate content.

Citation: Thierer, Adam and John Palfrey. "Dialogue: the Future of Online Obscenity and Social Networks." 5 March 2009. Ars Technica. 1 April 2009. <http://arstechnica.com/tech-policy/news/2009/03/a-friendly-exchange-about-the-future-of-online-liability.ars/2>.

This source presents a discussion between Adam Thierer, Director of the Progress and Freedom Foundation's Center for Digital Media Freedom, and John Palfrey, Harvard law professor and Vice Dean, about the merits of Section 230 of the Communication Decency Act and the role online service providers, including social networking websites, should play in protecting children from obscene content.  Thierer has concerns about revisions to CDA 230; he does not think social networks should have extensive liability concerning objectionable material on their sites, and he thinks CDA 230 has been beneficial overall.  However, Palfrey believes that ISPs and social networking websites should not be immune from tort lawsuits claiming harm from the carriers’ negligence.  Instead, accusations should be allowed to be brought to court, where the plaintiffs will have to prove that the ISPs were in fact negligent.  Palfrey believes that CDA 230 should be amended in such a way because it will encourage online service providers to make more of an effort to protect minors and develop more innovative ways of protection. He added, however, that most ISPs would not be found negligent by a court, and a multi-faceted approach must be taken to achieve the goal of protecting children on the Internet.  Palfrey also acknowledges the merits of CDA 230, and said he would not want the goals of it to be drastically impeded.

            The dialogue presented is a good analysis of the issues concerning child protection and CDA 230.  The dialogue format enhances the analysis because it allows Palfrey to address the questions raised by a critic of his opinion.  Palfrey’s approach to modifying CDA 230 strikes a balance between the competing goals of shielding minors from harmful content and promoting the development of ISPs.  However, Palfrey is the first to admit that a change in the law would likely not make too much of a difference in increasing liability, especially among the larger ISPs who can afford to make some effort to protect children.  What is perhaps the most important element of Palfrey’s argument is that he stated that there needs to be an increase in efficacy for children to become more protected online.  Empowering people to protect children could achieve the same goal without having to navigate the complex legislative process.

Ohio University - blanket policy

      In this article, Richard Raskin discusses the release of Casablanca in 1942 within the context of American attitudes toward the Vichy and Free-French forces. He begins by discussing prior political analyses of the film, specifically the one that states that Rick's change of heart symbolizes President Roosevelt's and the nation's shift from isolationism to involvement in the war. Raskin maintains that this interpretation of the political significance of the film is justified but not sufficient. He takes it one step further by explaining that the film also contrasts two political alternatives: accommodation with Vichy versus opting for the Free French. Ultimately, the film is pro-Free French and anti-Vichy; it was designed to portray the Free French as America's natural ally in the fight against the Germans and simultaneously portray a negative image of the Vichy as corrupt and serving the interests of Germany. As a result, there is every reason to believe that the film influenced millions of American viewers to feel a profound political and emotional identification with the Free French in 1942-1943. However, Raskin finds a contradiction in the message of Casablanca in the context of its time of release. In supporting the Free French and anti-fascism, the film misinformed the American public of the essentially anti-Free French orientation of American policy and US support of Vichy leaders in North Africa at the time.

     Despite Raskin's belief that Casablanca served to blur public awareness at the time of the film's release, this only further demonstrates the immense ideological influence of the film on American movie-goers. This article provides somewhat of a counter-argument to my thesis as it states that the film does not in fact reflect American foreign policy. In that sense, it is particularly useful for my thesis because in developing any good argument, it is important to take note of the opposing view. Raskin's analysis of the political significance of Casablanca, though it may vary from my own, gives insight into the historical context of the film's production and release. In addition, it shows the propagandistic capacity of the film and how affected audiences were by its political implications.

Mary Erickson’s article gives an in depth examination of the MPAA’s involvement in Congressional committee hearings pertaining to piracy and copyright issues since 1976. In her paper, Erickson concentrates on witness testimonies of varying MPAA reps at copyright and piracy related hearings. Her main goal throughout the paper is to look at how and why the “interest groups” influence the policy decisions with their witness testimonies (Erickson 1).  Her findings suggest that witness testimonies often have little or no affect on Congressional policy decisions, unless it is a celebrity witness. Erickson’s paper encompasses a number of informative statistics concerning the MPAA, and specifically outlines the MPAA’s “four-pronged approach to combating piracy” (Erickson 8).  nsight is also given as to what compromises the legislative committee and its hearings, including the MPAA’s participation in Senate and House hearings. Erickson's article gives a different perspective on how the MPAA handles anti-piracy legislation, instead of simply what they cover during a hearing. It is important to see how the MPAA either effectively or ineffectively goes about trying to thwart piracy in the film industry. 

University of Chicago File Sharing Policy and November 2007 Memorandum from the Vice President and Chief Information Officer to the Campus:

    The University of Chicago’s Eligibility and Acceptable Use Policy for Information Technology includes that students comply with their copyright and file sharing laws. The policy asks that students prohibit themselves from participating in peer-to-peer file sharing software as well as not sharing other copyrighted materials through the University network. On their file sharing policy website, the University gives a few different links to the dangers of file sharing and also, how to disable a peer-to-peer file.  The letter sent out to the school by the Vice President of the University, has a similar structure to the school’s policy. He reminds students that violating the copyright law has serious consequences, both legal and otherwise, and presents the “no longer hypothetical” situation by claiming that some students have already been sued. He also states that the University complies with valid subpoenas asking for student’s identities.

    The policy of the University of Chicago represents a standard, and for my topic, improved university stance on file sharing. They provide information, and comply increasingly with the RIAA and government. They encourage their students not to use peer-to-peer file sharing while presenting them with links and other ways to inform themselves. Unlike Stanford, University of Chicago’s policy has not, as of yet, lead to fines for any students. Neither, however, is it on the opposite end, like the University of Maine who does not, by any means, wish to be the government’s ‘spy’. This information helps to answer my question of how universities are handling the growing pressure from the RIAA and the government while still promoting education and placing their students first.

From Moving Ideas.org, this site provides access to organizations and Think Tanks along the liberal/progressive side of issues.

From the Heritage Foundation, this site provides great access to leading thinkers and Think Tanks along the conservative side of all issues.

From their website:
"Policy Experts is your single-source directory for locating knowledgeable authorities and leading policy institutes actively involved in a broad range of public policy issues, both domestic and foreign. Journalists, researchers, public officials and conference planners find it to be an indispensable guide for locating the right expert at a moment's notice."

Shade's research, although not linguistic in nature, is useful to provide a background into women's roles in constructing the Internet.  She begins by reviewing research on gendered uses of various communications technologies, including the telephone, radio, and television. She discusses cyberactivism and feminism, as well as public policy determining women's access to the internet.  She cites a case study of women in China and internet access implementation and concludes with a discussion of whether women are merely consumers targeted by merchants or active citizens in an online sisterhood (discussions that we have held in class as well).